‘We cannot be a beacon to the world unless the talents of all the people shine through. Not one black High Court judge; not one chief constable or permanent secretary, not one black army officer above the rank of colonel. Not one Asian either. Not a record of pride for the British parliament that there are so few black and Asian MPs.’
I suspect that Tony Blair sometimes wishes he hadn’t included that passage in his first speech as Prime Minister to the Labour Party faithful. Not least because activists, like me, never cease to remind the government of the chasm that still remains between rhetoric and reality. The reason why I and others do not let this one lie is because when we heard it delivered with such passion and integrity we thought that this is was someone who was consumed with the democratic ideal of a dynamic and inclusive government. If he means it, we thought, he’ll not only be a beacon for Black Britons and the wider society, but internationally he and his government will be a force for real change.
So what has gone wrong and can it be put right? Or are we unjustly judging Tony Blair half way through his task? To take the last question first: Blair believes what he said, and he delivers in certain areas, as long as it doesn’t raise questions from the party faithful or from the right wing press scenting political correctness. The promotion of three Black politicians to key ministerial positions bears testimony to that. I also think that had Trevor Phillips been a serious contender in London’s Mayoral elections, Tony Blair for one would have enjoyed nothing more than having a Black Mayor for the capital. But that’s about it. Blair has his priorities and raising the economic and political water level for Black communities are not one of these.
Although he must take ultimate responsibility, Blair has many generals and lieutenants who make life difficult to reform in this area. There are those who, at best, do not recognise the inequality that Black people face and, at worst, view anyone that dares highlights it as a trouble maker, hell bent on tearing down the ‘Blair project’. The usual retort when a Black politician or activist broaches the subject of greater representation, for example, is for them to be dismissed by asserting the Lawrence inquiry, amending the Asylum and Immigration Bill, and a reminder that Labour is the only party with any Black MPs.
And therein lies the problem. Addressing the concerns of Black communities is viewed by too many in the Labour Party as a one way process: they give us whatever they deem fit. We are perceived as giving nothing in return, so we’d better be grateful for whatever comes our way. This is not too dissimilar to women’s struggle for greater equality. The big push for more women MPs during the last election was driven more by demonstrating their credentials to women voters rather than what women could do for the democratic process. It’s also worth remembering, too, that of all the women elected in 1997 only one was Black, Oona King.
The key question is who in the Labour Party will step back and see the abundance of wasted talent; the unprecedented potential for our communities to enhance the party (and other political parties, too), but also further enrich every aspect of our society?
It’s not easy to see anyone who can remove the party’s blinkers. There are individuals, working within their departments, but there’s no overall strategic approach. For example, I told Lord Irvine that we needed more Black magistrates, especially in big cities and that if we had a programme to inform, inspire and recruit we could have the benches looking like the people they seek to serve. Flanked by advisors and clearly on his way to some meeting or other, I expected short shrift. Instead, to my surprise he agreed: ‘We’re doing well, but could do better, much better. Let’s work together and target the deficit areas.’ Since that chance meeting Irvine encouraged senior civil servants to enthusiastically develop the project with us. There are others too. Mike O’Brien in the Home Office and Baroness Scotland in the Foreign Office both seem keen to create a legacy of cultural change within their departments.
But it is not enough. While many Britons have, literally, ‘never had it so good’ with unemployment at its lowest for 25 years, too many Black people are still subject to disproportionately high levels of unemployment and deprivation. The lack of political representation in local and national politics is in many ways symbolic of our communities’ second class status.
Will Labour see the light? I fear not unless they are dragged kicking and screaming, and that will only be achieved if Black Britons play political hard ball. In the past Labour has been afforded unprecedented support from Briton’s African, Caribbean, Asian and other ethnic minority voters. Even the Asian vote, often considered a floating vote, reached 80 percent support for Labour at the last election.
Black Britons, it seems, must undertake a different strategy to force the Labour machine to do justice to their concerns. What needs to be done is well tried but simple – abandon party loyalties and put up the Black vote to the highest bidder, particularly in marginal seats.
The hundred or so marginal seats that will decide who has the keys to Downing Street is all any party boss is really interested in. And if the Black vote is crucial in two-thirds of these seats then there is a recipe for power.
It is a tactic that has already borne fruit. During the London Mayoral election all parties clamoured for the Black vote, not because of their love for our communities, but rather because of the fact that one in three voters are Black. The Tory shift is particularly noteworthy and one from which William Hague could, or should, learn. First, Jeffery Archer and then, even more enthusiastically, Steve Norris listened, talked and promised to deliver to the Black electorate. On a Question Time debate with the other mayoral candidates, Norris famously stated: ‘Transport may be the number one issue for white voters, but for Black communities in the capital high levels of unemployment and a respectful police force are their priorities.’ Come polling day Norris’s inclusive rhetoric not only won him friends and votes he could not have dreamt of, but he also held the core Tory vote.
The problem here of course is that Hague is not Norris, and if the Tory leader keeps lurching to the right, demonising and offending Black people, then the only threat the Black vote will hold will be to stay at home.
There is another possibility. All the political parties continue to ignore Black people’s cries for equality, and the right wing press have successfully attacked what they call ‘political correctness’. The result will be that Black groups and individuals will call louder for an independent Black political party. Even though they know that national politics would not be dented by such a move, on a local level independent candidates could make an impact. The main motivation, however, in an environment that cared little, would undoubtedly be to gain a sense of belonging and pride. Others will take the cue from religious political groups. Britain, sadly, would become a country of sharp divides: culturally, socially and politically.
The real answer is with Blair. As Lord Irvine instructed his advisors to do what is necessary to have the magistrates benches looking like they people they serve, so Tony Blair must take the lead. He should demand a programme to address the lack of Black politicians, he should ensure that long-term regeneration budgets and programmes find there way into the Black areas of Hackney, Southwark, Birmingham and Bradford and others. And, finally, he should face up to the bigoted press and claim that political correctness is essentially about seeking justice and equality. Above all, if he is to make it happen he must be driven, not by benevolence towards Black people, because that only produces the crumbs of change, but by greed. The greed of staying in power and being the architect of fundamental change.