We call ourselves social democrats or democratic socialists. But the emphasis has always been on the social/socialist side of the equation – not democracy.

From a historic perspective this is understandable. Labour was formed to fight for social justice; for – dare I say it – equality (at least greater equality). What mattered was feeding the hungry, clothing and housing the cold, treating the sick and caring for the elderly. Democracy didn’t just play second fiddle: it was pretty much forgotten.

The democracy claim was just a bit of early branding to distinguish ourselves from the (very)undemocratic communists and socialists of the Soviet Union. Ours may have been a parliamentary, as opposed to a revolutionary, road to socialism – but the point was the exercise of power, so that we could make more people equal.

Under this formula, democracy became merely a means to an end – something of only instrumental value – to deliver power to those at the top of the party so we could take our turn at absolutist rule. The notion that democracy was of intrinsic worth always by-passed the mainstream of the Labour party.

New Labour threatened to change all this. On the back of these failures of ‘Old Labour’ and the sleaze of the Tories,

New Labour promised – above all else, in the minds of the electorate – a new politics. On that brilliantly sunny, late spring morning of 1 May 1997, we proclaimed a ‘new dawn’ for British politics. That sense of hope and excitement has been dashed. This is not just my view. Through Opinion Leader Research, Compass conducted focus group studies in London and Birmingham of people who swung to Labour in 1997. Their views were alarming and depressing in equal measure. These were people who were won over by New Labour – converts who wanted to believe. They spoke about ‘a more honest and open approach’ and a ‘feeling of relief’ that at last people who were in touch and in-tune with them would be running the country – people that were on their side.

Their mood now is bitter. They feel let down by New Labour generally and by Tony Blair in particular – this was especially true amongst older women. ‘They’re completely detached’ (Woman, 50+, London). ‘They don’t listen … most of us didn’t want the war but do they listen? No’ (Woman, 30-45, Birmingham). ‘They don’t involve the people of this country’ (Man, 50+, Birmingham).

The level of cynicism about politics and politicians is now corrosive. Not only is there a sense that New Labour has failed to deliver on its promises of 1997 – ‘they promised these things but they never come about, do they? You just get disheartened’ (Woman, 30-45, Birmingham). But these swing voters also conclude that a government that they perceive hasn’t made enough of a difference to their lives must be ‘in it for themselves’. ‘They are feathering their own nest’ (Man, 30-45, London), ‘It’s a gravy train. They’ve all doubled their wages’ (Man, 30-45, London). ‘You don’t believe them anymore. They’re a bunch of liars but you get wise to it’ (Woman, 30-45, Birmingham).

As a consequence, many now doubted whether they would vote at the next election. When pushed, many of the men indicated that they are likely to drift back to Labour come the next election – all be it with heavy hearts. The women will be much tougher to convert. On this evidence, Labour is likely to win again – the issue being not really the size of any majority but the complete and utter lack of any enthusiasm for what we are doing. If we win, it will be despite our record in government and because people like this view the Tories and Michael Howard with even more contempt than they do us.

The promise of 1997 has been squandered. New Labour suffered, but the damage has been done to politics in general – the belief that collectively, through Labour, we can make a better world lies in tatters amongst these people. We have presided over the lowest turnout in a general election (59 percent in 2001) and the biggest-ever street protests (for the Countryside Alliance and then, most dramatically, against the war). That activity and the evidence of these focus groups suggest that the problem lies with formal party politics and is not about apathy.

Instead of ‘new politics’ we still get steam-age industrial politics – only fit for a bygone era when people accepted a top-down approach. In that sense, New Labour isn’t very new at all. It promised a new politics but has delivered very little. Yes, we have had devolution – but, crucially, the culture of our politics has not been changed.

We’ve tried to graft some new structures on to old cultures. We have failed to treat democracy as valuable in its own right and the means by which we can create that more equal society (it is no wonder the ippr have reported that Britain has become less equal under Labour).

In Opposition, Tony Blair said that ‘the democratic impulse needs to be strengthened to enable citizens to share in the decision-making that affects them’. In a third term, Labour has to put that right – otherwise we will reap a whirlwind of political anger that will debilitate the left for a generation.

This is an extract from a new Compass pamphlet Dare More Democracy and is available priced £5 from www.compassonline.org.uk