For years, the Bush administration has stood by the government of President Álvaro Uribe in Colombia unconditionally, turning a blind eye to Colombia’s serious human rights problems. The UK government, for the most part, quietly followed suit, providing substantial assistance to Colombia’s military with no strings attached. It’s time to rethink that policy.
Colombia presents one of the worst human rights records in the world. At nearly 3 million, Colombia’s population of internally displaced persons is second only to that of Sudan. Colombia also has the worst record in the world in terms of assassinations of trade unionists, with over 2,500 being killed in the last 20 years – more than 400 during the Uribe government. Journalists and human rights defenders live in fear they will be threatened or killed for simply doing their jobs.
Drug-running paramilitary death squads are responsible for widespread massacres, selective killings, and forced takings of land from civilians. They have often engaged in these crimes with the acquiescence, and sometimes even active collaboration of, military units. Scores of civilians languish for years as hostages of the leftwing guerrillas of the FARC, who like those of the ELN, are notorious for their use of child soldiers and antipersonnel landmines, with total disregard for the laws of war.
The Bush and Uribe governments cite official statistics showing a drop in kidnappings and massacres as evidence of progress. However, a more disturbing reality hides beneath the statistics and rhetoric. It’s true that there has been a reduction in some abuses, in part because the government has aggressively pursued the FARC. But when it comes to abuses by rightwing paramilitaries and the military, the government’s approach has been very different.
As documented by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, in recent years there has been a sharp increase in reports of extrajudicial executions of civilians by the army. In several cases, members of the military have allegedly killed civilians and then dressed them up as guerrillas killed in combat, apparently to boost the military’s body count. When human rights defenders have reported these abuses, Uribe administration officials have accused them of being tools of the guerrillas.
Since 2002, the government has been engaged in a ‘peace process’ started by paramilitary commanders seeking protection from extradition to the US on drug charges. Thus, the government has repeatedly proposed initiatives favouring commanders’ interests in avoiding accountability, keeping their wealth, and hiding the truth about long-standing links to the military, the business sector, and politicians.
In fact, the Uribe administration is now embroiled in a growing scandal over links between high-ranking government officials and paramilitaries. Uribe’s former intelligence chief, Jorge Noguera, has come under prosecution for allegedly collaborating with paramilitaries. The allegations are serious enough that the US has revoked Noguera’s visa. More than 40 congressmen from Uribe’s coalition, including his close political ally and cousin, Senator Mario Uribe, are under investigation for similar links. Rather than fully support the investigations, Uribe has repeatedly lashed out against the judges and journalists who are bravely trying to break paramilitaries’ influence.
Fortunately, the climate of opinion in Washington towards Colombia has been shifting since the Democrats took control of Capitol Hill. Last year, they froze a portion of military aid to Colombia due to military abuses. Congress has even suspended consideration of the US-Colombia Free Trade Agreement until Colombia shows concrete and sustained results in improving the human rights situation.
The Bush administration’s policy towards Colombia has been largely determined by its fear of Hugo Chavez in neighbouring Venezuela. As a result, it has subordinated human rights concerns to what it considers a strategic partnership with Colombia. But this policy has only damaged US credibility in the region.
The new leadership of the US Congress has understood that the best way to help Colombia and strengthen US credibility is not through unconditional support for one government’s policies. Instead, it is through intelligent support, grounded on human rights principles and conditioned on real improvements.
The UK, too, should rethink its policy towards Colombia, lest it be left behind, saddled with Bush’s unprincipled policy.
It is absolutely disgraceful that the UK continues to provide military assistance to the Colombian Army. Human rights violations by the Army are becoming more and more frequent according to the UN and that the aid keeps flowing despite this can only send the wrong signal.
The British Government needs to seriously re-think their engagement with Colombia, supporting a peace process would be a good first step. Aid to the military should be suspended immediately – at least until the Army stop killing trade unionists, human rights activists and other civilians.
At last. A thoughtful comment about the real situation in Colombia (Colombia, Troubled Times. Progress Magazine February 2008). For too long, Labour in government has chosen to ignore the evidence of widespread extrajudicial executions and other blatant abuses of fundamental human rights in Colombia. Despite evidence from NGOs , trade unions and the TUC in the UK and organisations such as Justice for Colombia, the government has continued to provide military assistance to some of the most brutal elements in the Colombian armed forces.
When visiting Colombia in 2005 I was amazed at the resiliance and strength of those who were standing up for democracy and human rights in the face of state inspired terrorism and fear. I was equally amazed at the attitude of the UK diplomats in Bogota who appeared to be in a state of complete denial about military assistance or the condition of working people and their trade unions. One British diplomat suggested that I must be a supporter of the Farc in response to questions about the death of a trade union leader.
As the writer of your piece suggests, the UK should rethink its policy towards Colombia. Not just because there is a danger of getting left behind a more progressive US policy but also because it is the right thing to do.
Adrian Askew
General Secretary
Connect
It is a shame that when the Government seems to be doing basically good things when it comes to human rights in countries such as Burma and Zimbabwe, it is letting itself down in Colombia.
To give any sort of support – be it military, diplomatic or political – to a regime like that of President Uribe really undermines the Government’s position.
It is good news that the Democrats have started to move away from the Uribe regime – lets hope that the UK doesn’t get left behind.
Would a significant reduction in trade unionist assasinations help with any of you? Well that’s exactly what has happened since Uribe took office. Since he took the helm in 2002, there’s been a two-thirds decline in the number of assassinations. That matches the overall trends in kidnappings and murders in the general population. It’s quite dishonest to look at the raw numbers without taking the decling trend into account.
Uribe’s term has also seen a reduction in poverty and unemployment, a booming stock market, and vastly increased tourism. Alot of this is due to the increased security most Colombians will tell you is real. This might have something to do with the fact the most recent Gallup poll has his approval ratings at 80%. Support for his human rights record is 77% among the Colombian people. Do you think they might have a pretty good idea of what’s going on in their own country?
And so now you people want to cut him off at the knees after so much real progress? The FARC and Hugo Chavez will thank you if you succeed. Not so with the average Colombian.
Golden Boy, you have it wrong. In 2006 (the last year for which complete figures are available) there was a 17% increase in killings of trade unionists in Colombia. Just last week partial figures were released showing an increase in human rights violations against Colombian unionists in 2007 too.
The two-thirds reduction that you refer to simply does not exist – they are stats put out by the Colombian Government as part of a public relations effort to show an alleged ‘improvement’. Read the ITUC report on it – they accuse the Colombian Government of lying.
On the opinion polls read the small print: the surveys are conducted by telephone (which most, especially poor, Colombians do not have) in just four Colombian cities (ignoring the huge rural population).
The United Nations has reported a deterioration in the human rights situation since Uribe came to power. So has Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Colombian trade unions and human rights groups have all come to the same conclusion. Do you believe that this is all a big conspiracy?
Uribe has been photographed with paramilitary death squad commanders, described by US intelligence as a “close confidant” of Pablo Escobar and spent New Years Eve with his family at the home of a convicted narcotics trafficker.
I know who I would choose to trust.