Childcare should be at the heart of our future offer to the British people, argues Stephen Twigg

On taking office in 1997, Labour entered unchartered territory in early years policy. By the end of our time in government, it had gone from being a policy-free zone to being one of the most radical and transformative areas of public policy. Our emphasis on making work pay, on raising the educational outcomes – particularly in our most deprived communities – for children starting primary school and on advancing gender equality has transformed the lives of so many people across Britain today.

We should be proud that we doubled the number of childcare places available and improved the life chances of the sure start generation. We should be proud too that we increased the participation of women in the labour market through the introduction of progressive policies like the childcare element of working tax credits and the universal nursery entitlement.

I have now been appointed by Ed Miliband to chair the Labour party’s commission on childcare. Working with Liam Byrne, Yvette Cooper, Tessa Jowell, Rachel Reeves and colleagues across the parliamentary Labour party, I am responsible for formulating proposals to put forward to the party’s policy review process on childcare as we progress towards the next manifesto.

There are three tests by which our childcare proposals will be judged and that we must consider as we move forward. Equally, we will apply these criteria to the government’s plans, following the recent intervention by No 10 establishing the coalition’s own commission.

First, on raising standards and quality in childcare. Progress was made on this front with the creation and expansion of sure start and other Labour initiatives. As minister of state, Margaret Hodge was a strong advocate of the central importance of educational development in childcare, pioneering the early excellence centres in some of Britain’s most deprived communities. Significant investment was made to build the capacity and raise the status of the early years workforce. The evidence shows that investment has positive outcomes on the cognitive and social development of children. Raising the quality and status of the workforce will be crucial to driving forward this agenda.

A similar outlook on the importance of a high-quality workforce was evident in the pre-school I visited in the Botkyrka municipality, just outside Stockholm. I was in Sweden during the May parliamentary recess to see what lessons Labour can learn from the highly esteemed ‘Scandinavian model’. A national curriculum was recently introduced for early years, setting clear goals but providing scope for professional autonomy for the early years workforce. The model encourages learning through problem-solving and heightens the interaction of children with each other and with their carers. Research from Birkbeck college at the University of London has shown that where children are exposed to this kind of learning during this stage their cognitive development progresses at a faster rate. The commission will be exploring options for improving the early years curriculum to see what works from elsewhere and in particular the balance between prescription and autonomy as a means for raising the educational outcomes at this critical stage in child development.

Second, on the economic case for childcare. We know that investing in a child’s life during the early years stage pays dividends in the long run. As well as improving educational outcomes by five and ensuring that children are ready for school when they start, the short-term benefits are felt by hard-working families struggling with the costs of childcare. Families are currently being hit by a triple whammy in childcare: costs are going up, availability is going down, and the support from government is being reduced. Despite David Cameron saying that his would be the most family-friendly government in Europe we have seen a huge cut in financial support, meaning that families will lose on average £580 per year towards their childcare costs with some families now paying 50 per cent more.

The long- and short-term benefits are clear and Labour has a crucial challenge on winning those arguments. IPPR has made a strong case for the economic benefits of universal childcare (see box), and any policy offer must of course be firmly rooted on sound economic foundations.

Third, on advancing the equalities agenda. It is a damning indictment of this government’s record on childcare that Aviva has reported that over 30,000 women have cited the cost of childcare as the reason for leaving employment. Labour believes that work must pay. That women will be forced to vote with their feet if it costs them to work is regressive and wrong.

In the Queen’s speech in May, the government set out its intention to bring forward a children and families bill that will include proposals on parental leave. We look to our Scandinavian friends with envy when it comes to parental leave: in Sweden, it is far more extensive and offers much greater flexibility between parents. Labour dramatically expanded parental leave, some of which was opposed by the Tories. As the bill progresses through parliament, Labour will be examining in detail the provisions for flexibility and choice in the government’s proposals.

The prime minister signalled his intent on childcare when he established the government’s commission, many months after Labour identified childcare as a key priority. His language is of deregulation and doing childcare on the cheap. If this is the case, we will expose this regressive direction of travel.

Ed Miliband has told British families that Labour is with you. We have some big tests ahead in making sure that our policies are up to this challenge, not least in making tough choices about our offer on childcare to make sure it is both radical and affordable at a time when there is less money around. We believe that work should pay, as part of a ‘something-for-something’ culture. Childcare will be a pivotal electoral issue come the next general election, as Progress identified in The Purple Book. It is not only right on the social and economic arguments, but getting the policy right is critical for winning the political argument too.

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Stephen Twigg MP is shadow secretary of state for education