When Ken Clarke announced that the coalition government was going to look at ways of reducing the prison population, his speech was greeted by some as a watershed moment, welcomed with a huge sigh of relief. Meanwhile there was much huff and puff within the Conservative party and the press about an apparent departure from Michael Howard’s ‘prison works’ approach.

The reality is that in many ways the coalition approach echoes many of Jack Straw’s speeches from his period as justice secretary from 2007 to 2010. Prison is the right place for the most serious and dangerous offenders, but there are better, more cost-effective and productive alternatives for lower level offenders. That was his mantra. It led my having endless conversations with Daily Mail and Sun reporters in which it was suggested that Labour had gone soft on ‘lags’ (a point also made by Tory frontbenchers in the Commons) while at the same time my boss was sometimes crudely portrayed as obsessed with locking more people up. It’s true that we made a mistake in dubbing potential new prisons as ‘Titans’, but beyond that there is much in the Straw approach which is now being advocated by Ken Clarke (it was Jack, for instance, who set up the payment by results reoffending scheme at Peterborough prison, opened with enthusiasm by the coalition this month).

The difference is that Ken Clarke has presented reducing the use of prison as a policy objective in its own right: Jack Straw’s approach was subtler and more sophisticated.

There will be many who question this view. But look at the evidence. In 2006, the prison projections for 2013 were for a ‘high’ prison population of 106,000. When the projections appeared this year, the high figure for 2013 was 90,800.

Such projections are incredibly difficult to put together but even considering the risks involved, that is a pretty remarkable change, and it is almost entirely due to the way in which Jack Straw and his two prisons ministers, David Hanson and Maria Eagle, carefully handled the issue from 2007 and 2010. They didn’t make big speeches about cutting the prison population because it wasn’t a policy objective, and nor was it right to look at the issue as a numbers game, and nor did they compromise when it came to staying true to Labour’s ‘tough on crime and its causes’ approach. But they carefully – ‘by osmosis’, Jack called it – changed the terms of trade in order to promote better ways of handling offenders. So there was more money to promote community sentences, the new and successful Intensive Alternatives to Custody for offenders on the cusp of prison, orange jackets to promote public confidence in community sentences, better than expected settlements – in difficult circumstances – for probation, investment in the vital Corston agenda to seek to reduce the number of women in prison, the Bradley review into offenders affected by mental illness, more community justice, domestic violence and mental health courts, and changes to sentencing which were politically difficult to swallow but necessary and right to ensure a more proportionate use of prison. It is these decisions which account in large part for that 16,000 fall in the prison population prediction for 2013.

The point is not that such a change was the objective of any policy programme: it was the result of changes aimed at dealing with offenders more effectively.

And, crucially, crime fell; the last Labour government remains the only one since the war to cut crime.

None of this means, of course, that those who work to see even better ways of dealing with offenders should give up their work. After the election, I moved from the Ministry of Justice to Rethink, England’s largest provider of services for people affected by mental illness and now spend a good chunk of time campaigning to build on Labour’s work to find better ways of approaching the issue of offences committed by people with mental health problems. Sending someone with mental health problems to prison is often the worst thing that can be done in terms of helping them or the community, and the number of people in prison with such problems is alarming.

Later this year the coalition will publish a green paper based on the principles of Ken Clarke’s speech. In many ways it will mirror some of the things Jack Straw was seeking to promote in the justice system – more openness, payment by results and more. Whether the coalition will go further and abolish short sentences remains to be seen. The argument goes that such sentences are ineffective in terms of dealing with offenders because they provide too little time to work with them. That may be true, but it doesn’t mean it is the length of the sentence which is the problem, it is the nature of the sanction. Investment in improved community sentences, with more use of mental health treatment requirements, for instance, with short prison sentences preserved for those who simply refuse to engage, is surely a better way forward – magistrates need the option of a prison sentence when all else has failed, and barring them from handing down short sentences will probably lead to more longer sentences and higher prison numbers. It’s critical too to remember that the views of communities need to be considered when it comes to punishing offenders: we need to find the best ways of preventing reoffending.

There is a message here for Labour in terms of how it chooses to oppose the coalition in this area. If the party cedes the centre ground – tough on crime and its causes – to the coalition it will take a long time to win it back, and it would be a prize well worth having for Messrs Cameron and Clegg. The new Labour leader should resist calls to return to pre-Blair thinking on law and order. He should support carefully managed and innovative schemes paying providers by results on reoffending – for instance, supporting the proportionate use of prison for the most serious and persistent offenders but looking for better alternatives for others.

The idea that there is something contradictory about a centre-left position on law and order which is tough and supports the law-abiding majority, but which is also pragmatic and innovative is what got the party into such a mess on this issue in the 1980s. It would be a tragedy for the party to return there.


Mark Davies was special adviser to Jack Straw from 2005 to 2010 and is now director of communications for mental health charity Rethink. He writes in a personal capacity.

 

Photo: Amanda Slater