With the Tories dancing to the United Kingdom Independence party’s tune and the Liberal Democrats losing deposits in virtually every by-election of this parliament, only Labour can make the bold, progressive case for Britain’s future at the heart of Europe – and we must urgently rise to the challenge.
The debate on British membership of the European Union is not going to go away and while Ukip continue to build support and the media continue to give Nigel Farage a mouthpiece to spout his populist rhetoric, we must be prepared to hit back and challenge his nonsense and provide an alternative vision.
The voice of pro-Europeanism in the United Kingdom was essentially cut off when the Britain in Europe campaign was wrapped up after Labour’s abandonment of plans to hold a referendum on joining the euro. Since then, and with the rise of Ukip, Euroscepticism born either from ignorance or wilful anti-EU sentiment, has been the norm of the majority of the media and many mainstream politicians.
Whether there is a referendum on the cards or not, we should be campaigning like there is one. That campaign should have started years ago, but starting it now will have to do. Here is what it should look like.
First, we need to recreate Britain in Europe and bring in the big beasts from all parties who speak with credibility and authenticity on this issue to act as its figureheads – Ken Clarke, Tony Blair, Alan Johnson, Paddy Ashdown, Charles Kennedy. All are popular with different sections of the public and can contribute in a very positive way to the campaign.
Second, we need to define the terms of the debate. It will not be won by talking about budget contributions or the minutiae of European Union legislation, it will be won by winning over hearts and minds with a bold plan for the future – ‘a vision of better tomorrows, not better yesterdays’, as a recent editorial on this website said – warning people about the very real and serious risks of a ‘Brexit’ and, frankly, appealing to good old British self-interest: ‘What do I get as a member of this club?’
Here we need members of the European parliament, members of parliament and councillors working together to better communicate European projects in each area to the public. My parents would probably be astonished to learn that the draughty old windows on our council estate were replaced with new double-glazed windows using EU money. Commuters on the soon-to-be-electrified train line from Manchester to Liverpool will be unaware that it was part-funded with an EU grant.
Finally, we need a separate Labour campaign from the start. The experience of the Scottish referendum campaigned showed that we cannot rely on cross-party (and therefore in one sense non-political) campaigns to make the case on their own. On this as on independence in Scotland, Labour voters will hold the balance and it is to that base of our party we must appeal directly if we are to win the day.
To do this we need to have no doubt that we have won the argument in our own party. Some of our own MPs – including those who represent areas which have been transformed through EU investment – sound too much like Farage for my liking, and when I go to speak to constituency Labour parties about Europe, support is not universal among our councillors and activists. We need to have a serious internal debate which leaves no doubt about our unified pro-European position and clearly lays out our vision for Europe and a list of positive and achievable reforms we can work constructively with partners in other countries to deliver.
Labour Movement for Europe could be the platform to make the pro-European case within and beyond the Labour party, but it needs to up its game. Since we relaunched with a new executive two years ago some improvements have been made, with debates and policy discussions taking place at party conferences and campaign days organised to support Labour candidates for the European and general elections, but we need to do much more in 2015 and beyond.
I am putting my name forward to stand as chair of LME to deliver this vision. In the short term I want to ensure that the organisation does all it can to help Labour win the general election. In the medium term I want to build up the organisation’s membership and profile in the party and work with our frontbench team and MEPs to lay out what Labour’s vision for Europe is and sell it internally and externally. In the longer term we need to be ready for a referendum and ensure that Labour activists across the country have the tools and resources they need to get out on the doorstep and win.
We cannot put this off. Waiting to start making the positive case for Europe until a referendum happens will be too late. We need to start now if we are to have a chance.
If you are not a member of LME yet you can join online at www.labourmovement.eu. If you want to get involved then please consider standing for the committee. If you want to join the debate then come along to our AGM at Camden town hall on the afternoon of Saturday 31 January.
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Kev Peel is a councillor on Manchester city council. He tweets @KevPeel
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Which privatisation did the EU prevent? Which dock, factory, shipyard, steelworks or mine did it save? If we needed the EU for the employment law that, since we do not have it, the EU is obviously powerless to deliver, then there would be no point or purpose to the British Labour Movement.
Beyond fighting the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership every step of the way, Labour needs to commit itself, first, to the restoration of the supremacy of United Kingdom over EU law, and to its use to give effect, both to explicit Labour policy by repatriating industrial and regional policy (whereas the Conservatives are not committed to any specific repatriation), and to what is at least implicit Labour policy by repatriating agricultural policy and by reclaiming our historic fishing rights in accordance with international law: 200 miles, or to the median line.
Secondly, to the requirement that, in order to have any effect in the United Kingdom, all EU law pass through both Houses of Parliament as if it had originated in one or other of them.
Thirdly, to the requirement that British Ministers adopt the show-stopping Empty Chair Policy until such time as the Council of Ministers meets in public and publishes an Official Report akin to Hansard.
Fourthly, to the disapplication in the United Kingdom of any ruling of the European Court of Justice or of the European Court of Human Rights unless confirmed by a resolution of the House of Commons, the High Court of Parliament.
Fifthly, to the disapplication in the United Kingdom of anything passed by the European Parliament but not by the majority of those MEPs who had been certified as politically acceptable by one or more seat-taking members of the House of Commons.
And sixthly, to the giving of effect to the express will of the House of Commons, for which every Labour MP voted, that the British contribution to the EU Budget be reduced in real terms.