Ed Miliband’s favourite childhood game was, famously, a Rubik’s cube. Young Miliband possessed prodigious ability with the coloured squares, twisting them hither and thither until they aligned correctly.
I was less brilliant. My preferred intellectual test was Master Mind. Despite the title it was a less impressive endeavour. Your opponent chose a selection of coloured pins, which were hidden from view. The task was to guess not just the colours, but also the correct order. Once you had the right answers but the wrong order, you were more or less home and dry.
I was reminded of playing Master Mind listening to Ed Miliband’s speech on the deficit this morning.
All the right colours were there. The Labour leader promised credible reform to public services, meaningful devolution of power, greater efficacy in state spending, a focus on lifting skills, wages and productivity, while at the same time committing to a managed reduction in the deficit.
The trouble is I was not sure if we’ve put the colours in the right order. An outraged Labour supporter told me that we shouldn’t be ‘diet Tories’ and others worry that we are narrowing the difference with the government, which will lead to a flow of radicals to various alternatives. It is a common belief on the left that we need to inspire, with real, concrete pledges, not concede ground to the Tories by talking about the deficit.
This is a question of getting the pins in the right order, not of which pins you choose.
You want people to know the difference between a Labour government and a Tory government, of course, but first you need them to believe you can deliver what you say you want, without blowing up the economy, increasing the deficit, taxing them to high heaven.
Past Labour oppositions have promised all sorts of big goodies to the electorate but have come a cropper if they have not laid that groundwork. It is no good having lots of clear red water if voters assume it is just a sea of red ink.
So a Labour opposition has to convince voters of our credibility before we can promise change. This was the lesson Gordon Brown taught Labour in his remorseless, uncompromising fashion.
My concern is that we have spent four years promising change, and are only now worrying about whether people believe we can deliver it. As a result, talking about our fiscal believability might feels less like natural credibility, but a last minute slamming on of progressive brakes and a lowering of expectations.
The thing is, it is not like that. There is a clear difference between the Tory prospectus and Labour’s. If George Osborne delivers on his promised timescale of budget balance, the state will shrink, but in the wrong areas. To put it in sidebar of shame terms, we will have a skinny-fat state, perhaps light on the scales, but untoned, lacking in productive healthy muscle and entirely unfit for the beach. A race to the saggy bottom.
The tragedy of the last four years, as Ed Miliband said, was not that the state did not need to return to fiscal balance, but that the Tories approach the question of fiscal conservatism in an ineffective, unproductive and fundamentally wrong way. This was supposed to be a fiscal recovery powered by growth in exports, higher productivity, better skills and greater economic balance. It has been nothing of the sort, so the deficit stayed high while we have not done the investment we need to produce that economic shift in the future.
Running deficit reduction a little slower and a little more evenly allows us a little fiscal space to deliver that change. We can focus on building up the sinews of the economy, like better housing, greater skills, increased infrastructure, better technical education. That would help produce an economy that distributes better and increases the rewards for the many. It is a huge difference in vision and approach and one that should be more than enough to inspire anyone on the left of politics.
I worry, however, that perhaps we have got our sequencing wrong. Instead of accepting the fundamental need for rebalancing, we seemed to reject it for good, even though we did nothing of the sort. So now some will wonder why we talk about the deficit only now, while others will wonder why we are apparently trimming our ambitions to fit our budgetary cloth.
When I played Master Mind, getting your colours in order was as important as getting the colours right. I have a feeling the same is true in political strategy.
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Hopi Sen is a contributing editor to Progress
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Ed Miliband is still leader of Labour and David Miliband isn’t.
That’s a very helpful thing to say
There are large structural forces at work which will not go away for any politician. left, right or centre.
Ageing demographics means cuts will be inevitable and not just now but for decades as an ever declining workforce supports a burgeoning longer living set of pensioners. Growth cannot hope to match rising liabilities creating an ever rising funding gap which is met by ever rising debt http://www.bis.org/publ/work300.pdf
The second economic growth and political kill-factor is hollowing out of the middle class since the 1980s http://oecdobserver.org/news/fullstory.php/aid/3660/A_hollowing_middle_class.html
This has meant that in spite of a boom the deficit is still increasing because low wages means a low tax take http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/personalfinance/tax/11162272/If-Britain-is-booming-why-is-the-deficit-growing.html
A third factor is rising inequality which economists have recently agreed significantly curbs economic growth http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2014/12/is-inequality-good-or-bad-for-growth.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed:+EconomistsView+%28Economist%27s+View%29
The three parties berate rising inequality whilst not realizing that they are a major force force for engineering increasing inequality
Take hospital PFIs as one tiny example http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/jun/29/pfi-crippling-nhs
These offer high profits for companies and banks at the cost of the public who only get half the value for money. This is a double whammy for increasing inequality as simultaneously the purchasing power of the public is reduced whilst the richest 1% are made even richer.
Long term unchanging government incompetence is another sure-fire way of increasing inequality and reducing growth see “Twenty five years of government IT failure” http://www.computerweekly.com/news/1280091277/Twenty-five-years-of-government-IT-project-failure
Again the purchasing power of the public is reduced whilst large sums are handed to companies in return for little or nothing.
Just like the NHS, political leaders are using their deficit reduction plans to undermine the reality of borrowing to sustain ring-fenced public services.
Fact is, just like the NHS being used as a political football, how dare they!! How dare politicians use are much needed public services – free at the point of use – to influence political sway and the obvious Power they desperately seek!!
Surely, leaders should just be straight with us on increased taxes to secure and sustain long term funding for the NHS. That’s it! Thus, the emphasis on the NHS and deficit reduction should not always be a fore of political debate. What should be at the fore of political scrutiny is to change a system in need of democracy and fairness and Justice for ALL. Now, that will be a good start.
What puzzles me is how the government can promise billions in infrastructure spending yet continues to push on further on austerity cuts.
Either they want to cut the deficit or they don’t?