As we begin to unpick our defeat last Thursday, we must keep in mind Keynes’ famous maxim ‘When my information changes, I alter my conclusions.’

Luckily, such a process is already under way. A number of our rising stars have already put forward compelling arguments for change and renewal.

I have heard, however, from other quarters one particularly specious hypothesis: that Labour’s defeat in Scotland was a result of the party being insufficiently leftwing, thus ceding ground to the more authentically socialist Scottish nationalists.

Such an argument could not be further from the truth.

For one, its characterisation of the Scottish National party as a party of the left, let alone one that is more progressive than Labour, quite simply holds no water.

The SNP’s spending plans imply more austerity than Labour’s, and its calls for full fiscal autonomy would create huge budget deficit which would leave ordinary Scots at least £1,000 worse off.

Its record in government is similarly regressive. In the last five years, the SNP has overseen a five per cent real terms fall in schools spending, and a paltry one per cent rise in health spending. Spending in these areas has failed to keep pace with the rest of the United Kingdom, which has seen real terms increases.

The number of students studying in Scotland’s colleges has fallen nearly 25 per cent since 2010, and the party’s ‘free higher education’ policy has left poorer students worse off. Under the SNP, Scotland has become the only part of the UK where borrowing is highest among students from poorer backgrounds. The attainment gap between rich pupils and poor pupils continues to go unaddressed, and is wider than in England where attempts at serious reform have at least been made.

Even setting aside the party’s questionable record, the fact also remains that the SNP’s animating ideology is innately reactionary.

Since when did parties of the left prioritise nationality over solidarity and cooperation, especially in cases where such cross-border allegiances already existed? If Karl Marx were an SNP supporter, he would write, ‘Workers of world unite! Unless you’re from England, Northern Ireland or Wales, or anywhere which is not Scotland.’

Within Scotland, we are now beginning to see the results of this divisive ideology. How people voted in the independence referendum is used by some as a test of true patriotism. The SNP fosters such divisions by claiming to speak for Scotland, thus implying the rest of us are working towards a less ‘Scottish’ agenda.

Why then do many voters support the SNP, including those who identify themselves as social democrats? The answer is relatively simple: they have bought into the notion that separation will cure Scotland of all its ills. It is Ukipism north of the border, with Europe and immigrants replaced by Britain, Westminster and its traitorous Scottish agents.

Moving further left will not convince these people to vote Labour.

Their main preoccupation is independence; the means has become the end.

To win these voters back Labour must do three things.

First, it must challenge the SNP’s philosophy. Britain succeeds and Scotland succeeds when people of all nationalities, races, backgrounds and abilities work together.

We believe we are all in it together. We also believe in equality.

Let Nicola Sturgeon explain why she cares more about a child living in poverty in Glasgow, than she does a child living in squalor in Manchester.

Second, we must do more to hold the Scottish government to account. We must constantly highlight its failures in office, challenge it to act, and give voters a credible alternative.

If the Smith commission proposals are enacted, the SNP will have even greater powers at its disposal. It will have nowhere to hide, and if it cannot use those powers to build a fairer, more equitable society then Labour will.

Finally, Labour must champion the idea of a UK constitutional convention to come up with a coherent comprehensive plan for a federal UK, one which will institutionalise devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, deal with the English democratic deficit, and provide a bulwark against the forces of separation.

We must face these forces down, resolute in our belief, as Donald Dewar used to say, ‘We achieve more together than we do apart.’

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George Foulkes is a member of the House of Lords and a former member of the Scottish parliament. He tweets @GeorgeFoulkes