Labour needs to talk about aspiration without the jargon

‘Aspiration?’ demanded John Prescott on the Today programme, with scarcely concealed contempt, ‘What the ‘eck is that?’ If he had only meant that he was seeking clarification on the meaning of the term, I would be with Prescott on this. Politics in Britain has become conducted in a language which is spoken nowhere else. It is all ‘radical empowerment’ and ‘progressive modernisation going forward.’ The left, which thinks too long but too poorly, is especially prone to nonsensical jargon. The argument about the 2015 defeat has been conducted through these shorthand terms, of which ‘aspiration’ is one. It is worth asking what the heck we mean when we use the term ‘aspiration’.

However, it was obvious from Prescott’s tone that he meant rather more than a request for intellectual clarity. He was not wondering what aspiration meant, he was dismissing it as a cause of Labour’s defeat. He offered instead the depressing, because so evidently wrong, conclusion that Labour needed to knock on more doors the better to get its message across. The early exchanges in the post-election aftermath, from Chuka Umunna, Tristram Hunt and Liz Kendall, were encouraging but, since then, some of the party’s elders have closed the argument down by failing to understand it properly. That lack of comprehension was audible in everything Prescott said and a lot of it was encapsulated in the spitting sneer with which he uttered the word ‘aspiration’.

Of all the people in the Labour party, you would have thought that he would understand aspiration. It really means nothing more than the desire to get on and do well and the sense that a political party will help you or hinder you in that endeavour. Prescott has been socially mobile in his life. He aspired, whether or not that is the term he would use. Behind the word ‘aspiration’ lies the sense that it would be good to be more prosperous, happier, more content tomorrow than we are today. Early in his leadership, Ed Miliband talked about ‘the British promise’. It was a pithy and clever way of talking about aspiration. It encompassed the desire for children to do better than parents. It got Labour talking about the housing market and about the need for good jobs. It was explicitly pitched at people who aspire to a better life, which is to say almost everyone. It was inexplicably dropped.

Instead, Labour retreated to one of its comfort zones. Labour people enjoy abstraction and pompous-sounding grand categories. The British left likes talking about ‘capitalism’ and ‘the good society’, as if anyone in the world ever really thinks like this, let alone ideas such as ‘predistribution’. Miliband always sounded as if he had a plan for the whole society, which he never sounded as if he liked very much, but nothing much to say to the people who lived in that society. Labour’s plans for capitalism sounded systematic and radical. Even though they were supposedly signified by policies such as an energy prize freeze, they never really sounded very domestic.

Labour’s habit of commanding markets to behave – the energy price freeze and the rent cap, for example – illustrate another tendency which is inimical to a sense of aspiration. That is Labour’s habit of doing things to people or for people, rather than licensing people to act on their own devices. ‘Capitalism is grinding you down’, said Labour, ‘and we are going to fix it for you’. Yet it is a rare person who ever thinks in these terms. Most people want to carve out a slightly larger place within late capitalism rather than attend a seminar on how it is doomed or accept gratefully a small retail offer of a few pence off the electricity bill.

Therefore, a more colloquial way of describing what politicians mean when they say aspiration is that it is the answer to the question ‘What is in it for me?’ That is not a narrow concern, either. It is not just economic. People can have all kinds of hopes and desires, though most of them cost money and therefore rest on economic foundations. That makes aspiration, at root, an economic question too. If it is perfectly natural for people to want to partake of a share of national prosperity, then they need to feel some confidence that the government you propose to form will engender that prosperity. Not enough of the electorate were reassured that Labour would do that. Not enough people thought their reasonable aspirations would have been safely met by the Labour party.

So, rather than meaning nothing, as Prescott suggests, aspiration is a codeword for rather a lot. There is no need, necessarily, to keep using quite that word or to make a fetish of it. But people who dislike it tend to associate it with the desire to bring middle-class voters back into the Labour fold. There is nothing wrong with that, of course. Indeed, it is imperative. But the appeal to aspiration is about more than that. Once it is unpacked, aspiration means convincing people that Labour has the wherewithal to make them better off and convincing people at the same time that Labour has trust in people to support them in living lives of their own choosing. It means so much, in other words, that there can be no aspiration to govern without it.

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Philip Collins is chief leader writer at the Times