On November 2nd I returned from a visit to rural Northern Uganda, a region which has experienced more than two decades of war between Ugandan government forces and a rebel group known as the Lord’s Resistance Army. During this conflict, more than a million people were displaced, and over 20,000 children abducted.
In a region facing many internal challenges, I was surprised to come across local newspapers fixated with Obama’s rise to power in the US. On a daily basis, I read pullout supplements on why Ugandan schoolchildren would vote for Obama if they could; and on one particularly jubilant day my eyes were drawn to the headline ‘Uganda tops Obama’s agenda’.
Two days after my return, Obama stormed to victory and our screens were filled not just with scenes of Americans celebrating but also throughout the world, particularly in many African countries. Few will have failed to miss the triumphant scenes of Obama’s Kenyan relations; in Nairobi, ‘Obama: The Musical’ opened during election week.
Undoubtedly, Obama’s election has massive symbolic significance for African-Americans but, as I witnessed firsthand, for many Africans too.
But how far up Obama’s political agenda will Africa be?
Throughout the presidential campaign, the most contentious aspects of American policy dominated foreign policy discussions – namely Iraq, Afghanistan and the global approach to issues of terrorism and insecurity.
Obama was strong on the change he plans to bring to these controversial areas, but quieter on his approach to the challenges facing a continent such as Africa.
If he is serious about change, there are two key themes he must address.
Firstly, when Obama is sworn in and enters his crucial first 100 days in office, he could begin by stopping those policies which are currently hindering rather than helping African counties to develop.
For example, as part of Bush’s ‘war on terror’ increased levels of military assistance were given to countries in North, West and East Africa despite documented human rights abuses in some of these countries. Obama could easily distance himself from providing military assistance linked to strategic interests, where little attention is paid to the regional security or human rights implications.
Obama could also move quickly to undo the range of restrictions that the Bush administration has placed on access to reproductive and sexual healthcare for women around the world. Upon taking office, Bush reinstated the Global Gag Rule, forcing family planning centres in developing countries to censor discussions about safe abortion and banning them from using funds to advocate, or implement, safe abortions. Centres which do not abide by these rules found themselves no longer eligible for US funds. In a continent facing high levels of HIV/AIDS, conflict (and the use of rape in conflict) and poor access to sexual and reproductive healthcare, restrictions such as this have massive impacts. Obama could overturn this rule by executive order during his first day on the job.
Secondly, Obama should not shy away from issues of democracy promotion and human rights. Arguably, the outgoing president so damaged discussions of democracy, aligning it to militarily enforced regime change, that it will be tempting for Obama to distance himself from any discussion of political change in other countries.
Yet Obama will have to engage in politics if he is serious about supporting a step-change in American foreign policy. For too long, progressives have tried to depoliticise development and aid. But in many cases, it is poor governance and the state of politics which have held countries back, as elites have pursued damaging economic and social policies which harm their own people – and have still received external support and aid as they do so. Obama should engage with and support African-led processes to tackle governance and to build more capable states, and he should be unequivocal in his support for democracy, human rights and political engagement. By reclaiming this language from the outgoing Neo-Cons, he could significantly change the terms of debate for these issues.
Part of Obama’s success lay in his support for an extraordinary level of political engagement, debate, and dialogue across different parts of society – as captured in his slogan ‘Yes We Can’. But to be truly inclusive, he will need to steer new paths in America’s relationships with continents like Africa. For now, many African countries wait hopefully for the change he has promised.