I’m about to admit something that is likely to make you hate me. It’s something that puts me into a very small and lonely minority within the Labour Party.

It’s not that I like Peter Mandelson.

It’s that I’m a supporter of electoral reform.

Anyone from outside the Labour Party reading this may be a little startled. Electoral systems are a bit geeky they’ll think, but surely they’re unlikely to inspire actual vitriol? Not so. My colleagues don’t understand it. My friends think I’m mad to ‘out’ myself in this way. The fact is that the vast majority of Labour and trade union activists are solidly in favour of our first past the post system for Westminster elections. Even my wife, when told this is what my latest column would be about, rolled her eyes in despair – though as she’s a candidate in the European elections, she may have a point.

I’ve always been a supporter of change. It’s not just the practical points that are always cited – the 1951 and 1974 elections, where the party with the most votes lost the election, or the breakdown of parliamentary constituencies that shows that in reality there are only 100 constituencies that really matter. It’s not the thousands of wasted votes, the electoral deserts and the one-party states, or the fact that many MPs take a boundary review more seriously than an election. For me it’s about how our voting system shapes our political culture and the politics we get as a result of it.

Over the last few years I’ve come to think, unfortunately, that there are some quite substantial problems with our political system and culture. Take a historical analysis of Tony Blair, or a contemporary analysis of David Cameron. Both had or have achieved the leadership of their parties. One has been and the other, if the polls are true, may one day be prime minister. And yet both Blair and Cameron, if he does make it, will have achieved the highest office in the land without really knowing what they want to do with it. Tony had some great potential ideas – public service reform, cementing the UK’s relationship into Europe etc. – but they emerged after 1997 and there was never one overriding priority. Cameron will follow a similar path. To be able to get to the top without really knowing why you’ve done it just doesn’t suggest to me that things are working as they should.

It also concerns the deep alienation and, too often, the contempt that so many people feel for politics and politicians. Sometimes our political debate just doesn’t seem to reflect the political reality at all. Take the recent wave of job losses or the protests over foreign workers, for instance. How often did you hear a proper discussion of the trade-off between employment protection and job creation, with both sides admitting there’s a balance to be struck between the two? Instead we get one side saying ‘British workers are easier to sack’ and the other vaguely protesting that flexible labour markets are good for the economy. They’re both right – so why not admit this and get into the detail? Our current system just doesn’t seem to properly reflect the necessary range of viewpoints it needs to in order to function effectively. It also leads us to an obsession with short-term poll leads which favour quick-wins and media-friendly initiatives at the expense of better, well-evolved policy.

My hope for a change in the voting system is that it would act as a shot of adrenaline into our political system, changing its culture, its language, and hopefully its results. I know it’s unlikely to happen, and that I’m putting far too much faith in one reform. But I honestly believe it’s what would benefit UK politics more than anything else, so I’m destined to tread this lonely path.

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