I do hope so. I for one am quite excited about the idea of a coalition – it’s so continental, like trams or kissing on both cheeks – and it’s time we showed our progressive cousins the respect they deserve.

Some commentators have been sniffy about Clegg’s overnight success. They suggest that, like Susan Boyle, he’s just the latest craze that the cud-munching herd is stampeding after, or that he is a dangerous conductor for negative, anti-politics sentiment. It is true that an X-Factor-esque TV audition was pivotal for him, but the leaders’ debate was hardly a frivolity. It was a Reformation moment for the British public. At last it could access “the word” of political leaders without the intermediary of a partisan press or the leading questions of BBC interviewers. As David Yelland noted in a thoughtful Guardian piece earlier this week, the extraordinary polling result of that debate was the public’s way of showing just how seismic a shift this was from the normal way that it is presented political choices.

It is true that Nick Clegg is riding a tide of anti-political sentiment, which he is to some degree milking. His latest broadcast shows him walking on a pavement covered with the broken promises of the main parties. It is also true that some Lib Dem policies, such as the illegal immigrant amnesty, go against the grain of public opinion. But that still does not mean that support for him is mindless and knee-jerk. By embracing the Lib Dems, the public is rejecting the two-party system, long thought of as a permanently encrusted feature of British political life. There’s nothing trivial about that. Far from rejecting politics, the British public is making a dramatic re-entry into the political fray by saying that it will not be taken for granted. It is saying that it will not accept the two main parties, the press or the bond markets dictating the parameters of who they can vote for. It is also delivering a shrewd diagnosis of cause for rot that embedded itself in the British political class and culminated in the twin outrages of the financial crisis and the expenses scandal: the complacency and cosiness of a ruling elite which sat too comfortably in pocket boroughs created by first-past-the-post, two-party politics.

This is not to say that Lib Dem support is devoid of positive content. If a bit of media coverage and a smattering of “sod the lot of ‘em” rhetoric was enough to win over the public, then the BNP would have emerged as serious contenders after Nick Griffin’s Question Time. In recent years, the Lib Dems have been quietly banking a lot of credibility through their lone opposition to the Iraq war, their misgivings about the economic boom and their relative probity regarding MPs’ expenses. Individual policies aside, they have made the case that they have good judgment and instincts. Nick Clegg’s rejection of the cheesy politics of “leaders’ wives” and his refusal to pretend to da kidz that he listens to Lady GooGoo on his Podphone has also outmanoeuvred Cameron on authenticity. The public prizes judgement, instinct and sincerity above individual manifesto pledges, surely a sophisticated assessment of what makes a good politician.

If the British public, in its considerable wisdom, takes the Lib Dems seriously, then so should we. As Progressistas, we should concede that many of their policies are basically the things we wish Labour would say if we thought it could get away with it. We should reach out to them, whatever obstacles may need to be pushed aside.

Photo: Alex Folkes/Fishnik Photography 2010