This proposal appeared nowhere in the Conservative or Lib Dem manifestos, but turned up out of the blue in the coalition agreement in May. Labour MPs (and some MPs from other parties) were horrified, and have been mounting a vigorous campaign against it, led by Caroline Flint.

It’s a tribute to the determination of Caroline and others that the debate is happening now. For ministers seemed, at least at first, to be incapable of understanding what the fuss was about. Contradictory, dismissive and ill-informed answers were offered to the challenges Labour MPs laid out. While claiming that they shared the concern about the shockingly low level of successful rape prosecutions, ministers appeared unwilling to understand how this idea could make matters worse.

While we can readily imagine the horror of being accused of a crime one has not committed – any crime, but especially this violent and vicious crime – the importance of public protection surely must come first. As Baroness Stern in her review of the handling of rape complaints pointed out, many rape victims are often especially vulnerable: young, sometimes with learning difficulties, or without strong family support. Many victims are ashamed of what’s happened, particularly where rape has taken place within the family unit or within a close community. They may be pressed to cover up the attack, or face outright rejection of their claim that a rape has taken place.

All this contributes to reluctance among rape victims to report attacks, increasing the risk that the accused attacks again. Extending anonymity at any stage of the legal process would add yet further risk, both for the victim, and for potential victims too.

As the lord chancellor himself acknowledged, victim and accused may often be known to one another, increasing the likelihood that they continue to come into contact after an attack has taken place. If the accused is assured of anonymity, the risk of that happening, and of interference with and threats to the victim, is surely heightened, especially given that a substantial proportion of those ultimately convicted of rape at some stage are released on bail.

What’s more, whether or not victim and accused are known to one another, anonymity would inhibit the reporting of other and further attacks. Victims are more likely to come forward when they hear others describe experiences that replicate their own.

It’s not clear why rape should be treated differently from other offences, where these arguments are apparently accepted, and anonymity for the accused would never routinely be the case. So we’re forced to the conclusion that at the heart of this proposal was an unspoken but underlying assumption that those who claim to have been raped should not readily be believed. Indeed, all too often they are not believed – as the appalling saga of the police failure to apprehend John Worboys as he raped scores of women over the years more than amply proves. Instead, anxiety about possible false accusations appears to have gripped the government’s thinking, reflecting a perhaps populist assumption that victims are wickedly and deliberately falsely accusing their attackers, or are unreliable and irrational in their reports. What’s more, society is still too ready to assume that a woman who has been raped is herself in some way responsible for the attack.

A radical change of direction of policy must not be founded on prejudice and myth. The opportunity for full consideration of the issues is vital if there is any suggestion that policy needs to be changed. It’s to be hoped that the agreement to a debate in parliament will lead to a full risk analysis to allow for a proper review of the evidence to take place. Ministers must guarantee that will happen – there will be no shame on them if they back down on this proposal now.