All of the candidates in the Labour leadership election have, in their own ways, come to the conclusion that immigration, especially from the EU after its enlargement in 2004, was one factor in the party’s defeat at the general election.

Immigration has always been a balance of positives and negatives. When the UK was growing and creating jobs rapidly, enabling more workers to come to the UK, it was a positive thing. It underpinned the decision to allow the A8 countries in 2004 to have greater access than that offered by most of our European partners. However, we did underestimate the numbers and when recession hit the presence of central and eastern Europeans in work, as working Brits lost jobs, increased the sense of insecurity.

We need to recognise that those who came did not just settle in London, or in our cosmopolitan cities, but in parts of the country that have previously seen little migration like Doncaster and Lincolnshire. And, as ever, the costs and benefits aren’t evenly distributed: the people that benefit from cheaper conservatories or food prices aren’t often the ones who cannot find work in construction or in supermarket distribution centres. I was given examples at my local surgeries where local workers felt they were losing out to ‘other’ Europeans.

Making the case for further enlargement of the EU is undoubtedly more difficult in a recession when unemployment is rising and pressure on public services intensifies. It’s important to separate myth from fact, to recognise what has gone right and to make the case for maintaining the momentum of EU accession, particularly in the western Balkans, but also in Turkey.

Along with the rest of the EU, we have placed tighter labour restrictions on the newest members, Bulgaria and Romania. The same is likely for Croatia and any other new member for seven years after accession. Fundamental reform of the Treaty of Rome would be needed to stop the free movement of people within the EU, and this is both unlikely and undesirable if we believe that an enlarged EU better serves our national interest.

Restricting free movement does not help the many Britons who work and live in other parts of the EU. Let us not forget, too, that, come 2011, the A8 countries will have open access to the labour markets of the rest of the EU which could see an exodus of workers from the UK, which may or may not prove beneficial to our economy.

The new European workers that came to the UK from 2004 onwards helped to fashion Europe’s most dynamic economy, driving our growth. Leaving their homeland, their families and their friends behind, they came here to work, often in industries where we have shortages. They often did the jobs that British workers didn’t want to do and paid taxes. When the work dried up, and the exchange rate became less favourable, they didn’t claim benefits, they went home.

As we emerge from recession, with an ageing society – fewer workers supporting every pensioner – and ever growing expectations, a young, dynamic, hardworking labour force is essential for our recovery.

What we have to do is better manage migration from the EU in a way that recognises how we benefit from it, but also deals with the pressures it creates. We should have been more proactive in supporting the agency workers directive and the anomalies in the posted workers directive. We should ensure that other European companies play by the same rules as British companies when they contract for work in the UK, or elsewhere in the EU.

We need to tackle the underlying issues that make communities feel vulnerable in the first place: shortages of affordable housing and pressures on other public services, inadequate training and a lack of employment opportunities. Pressures reinforced in some communities by a poverty of aspiration born of the mass unemployment in the 1980s, where some children never see their parents get up and go to work.

Only then we will be able to harness the potential of migration from the EU

Photo: mckibillo 2010