DESPITE DARK PREDICTIONS to the contrary, Labour’s defeat in May has thus far not ignited the kind of vicious feuding and infighting which marked the last occasion the party returned to opposition from government in 1979.

The leadership election which is now reaching its final stages has not elicited huge interest from the public – perhaps understandably when so much media attention remains focused on the novelty of the country’s first peacetime coalition government in 90 years – but neither has it revealed the kind of ideological faultlines which similar battles in the 1950s and 1980s displayed, much to the party’s electoral detriment.

But while the conduct of the leadership election is important, it is its outcome that will be crucial in determining Labour’s long-term prospects.

With the exception of Harold Wilson’s defeat in 1970, each time Labour has been ejected from office, it has remained in opposition for more than a decade – not a great record for a party created to give a political voice to working people. And we should not forget, either, that Labour has often faced a worse drubbing in the election after it has initially been voted out of power. Jim Callaghan’s defeat in 1979, for instance, was followed by ‘the longest suicide note in history’ debacle of 1983. By contrast, until they decided to field William Hague, Iain Duncan Smith and Michael Howard, the Tories have traditionally been rather smarter about turning around their electoral fortunes.

If Labour chooses the right candidate this month, however, it will take a huge step towards confounding these historical precedents and putting itself back on the path to power.

To do that, the party needs to choose not simply an appealing leader, but a credible prime minister. That’s why we believe Labour should choose David Miliband.

During this contest, David Miliband has demonstrated the breadth of his appeal, both inside the party and beyond. He has shown himself to be the grassroots’ choice – winning the support of more CLPs and Labour council leaders than any other candidate – as well as having the clear backing of his parliamentary colleagues at Westminster. Perhaps unexpectedly, he has won the endorsement of two trade unions, including Usdaw, the country’s fourth largest. And, crucially, last month’s YouGov poll showed David Miliband to be the public’s preferred choice, a finding borne out by those CLPs, such as Bassetlaw, which have tested the candidates’ support amongst the voters.

Unsurprisingly, a separate poll by YouGov of party members and Labour-supporting members of affiliated trade unions found David Miliband the candidate not only most likely to be the best leader of the opposition, but also most likely to lead Labour to victory at the next election and to be the best prime minister. Moreover, as a Fabian Society analysis for Left Foot Forward demonstrated, David Miliband was the comfortable winner of the most CLP nominations in the crucial marginal seats that Labour lost in 2010 and must win back to form a government at the next election.

But our support for David Miliband rests not simply on the appeal he has demonstrated in this campaign, but also on the vision he offers for Labour’s future and his account of its recent past.

Intelligent defence of our record

We stated immediately after the election that Labour needed to develop an intelligent defence of its time in office. Winning the argument with the coalition over Labour’s 13 years in power is, in truth, the first battle of the next election campaign. Indeed, the ferocity with which the coalition is attempting to denigrate Labour’s record as a cover for their ideologically driven attack on the role of government shows the urgency of this task. But we also made clear that while Labour should not abandon its record, neither should it be imprisoned by it. Of all the candidates, David Miliband has shown the greatest sensitivity to this task.

On the one hand, he has refused to play to the gallery by summarily abandoning large swathes of the manifesto that he and each of the five candidates (including its author) campaigned on barely three months ago. On the other, his Keir Hardie lecture in July – described by Jon Cruddas as ‘the most important speech by a Labour politician for many years’ – provided the most honest and clear-sighted assessment of Labour’s record we’ve seen in the leadership campaign. In it, he defended Labour’s achievements in office while regretting the lack of renewal which accompanied the transition from Tony Blair to Gordon Brown in 2007.

Most importantly, however, David Miliband has attempted to turn the leadership contest from a debate about the past into one about the future. And in his contribution to that debate, he most clearly embraces and understands the open politics that Progress stands for.

We share his distaste for statism and the ‘paternalist authoritarianism’ which too often characterised some of New Labour’s actions; his belief that the party needs to build a ‘broad alliance for the common good’, underpinned by the values of solidarity, reciprocity and mutuality, which first brought the Labour movement together; and the need now for Labour to be ‘humble, determined, open and engaged’.

‘Big society’ challenge

By his support for open primaries, embrace of mutualism and electoral reform, and his fledgling Movement for Change with its promise to train 1,000 community organisers, David Miliband has backed his warm words with concrete promises. And, crucially, he is sketching out a vision of an empowering state and community-based politics that will allow Labour to do battle with David Cameron’s notion of a ‘big society’, a vision that doesn’t cede territory which – given the previous government’s support for the voluntary sector and the party’s own rich non-statist tradition – should rightfully belong to the progressive left.

Finally, David Miliband has also been the candidate most willing to recognise that Labour needs a credible approach to the deficit if it is to win the political debate which will surely dominate this parliament. As the shadow business secretary Pat McFadden has warned, ‘fight the cuts’ is a tempting slogan in opposition, and some indeed must be fought, but that alone cannot be all that Labour says on the subject. Indeed, if it does not provide an alternative – which only David Miliband has shown a willingness to do – Labour will play into the coalition’s hands by allowing them to claim that only they are capable of facing up to the country’s problems.

Deficit denial

And, as polling for Demos’ Open Left project has shown, the challenge here for Labour is not as simple as those leadership candidates who appear intent on using the contest to refight the argument about ‘cuts versus investment’, with which the last government unsuccessfully grappled, would have us believe. It found that among voters who supported the party in 2005 but switched in 2010, appeals to defend public services – including the NHS – against cuts were markedly less popular than calls for greater efficiencies. Only one-third of those who deserted Labour, moreover, saw government as ‘a force for good’. Let’s not forget that these ‘lost’ Labour voters include large numbers of the skilled working class who traditionally make up Labour’s core vote but whose support for the party dropped by 20 points on 6 May.

While each of the candidates might well add something to a Labour shadow cabinet, only one of them has shown the willingness to tackle the difficult politics posed by the deficit; has offered an account of the party’s 13 years in office which celebrates its achievements while being honest about its missed opportunities; and has set forth a vision for Labour’s future which will expose the hollowness of the coalition’s claim to offer a new politics. In doing so, David Miliband has demonstrated an appeal which crosses the party and reaches beyond it. This is his moment. We urge you to cast your vote for him.


BEATING BORIS
Labour should choose Oona not Ken

PARTY MEMBERS IN London have not only to choose a new party leader, but also Labour’s candidate to take on Boris Johnson in the mayoral election in 2012. Many will be tempted to give Ken Livingstone an opportunity to avenge his defeat of two years ago. We believe they would be wrong to do so.

We fully accept the strength of Livingstone’s record as mayor – indeed, perhaps his greatest achievement was to make the new institution matter so much. But a rematch of the 2008 mayoral election would not be in Labour’s interests. We’ve seen little sign that Livingstone has understood the need to strengthen his appeal to the outer London suburbs – and to many white working-class voters in inner London – which played such a key role in ejecting him from office. Instead, Labour should turn the page in London and select Oona King. She has run a strong campaign for the nomination and shown she knows why Labour lost two years ago; Oona represents Labour’s best bet of beating Boris. 

 


MEMBERS’ VOICE
Our pick for the NEC

 

THOSE WHO REMEMBER when Labour was last in opposition will recall the power the National Executive Committee wields when the party isn’t in government, and the key role it has to play in getting us back there.
Along with your ballot for the leadership election, readers will also have a chance to choose the NEC members who represent grassroots party members – in other words, our voice on the NEC. Progress is supporting a number of hard-working Labour activists – Ellie Reeves and Peter Wheeler, two excellent incumbents who champion the views of party members both when it’s easy and when it’s not; Deborah Gardiner and Shaukat Ali do the same on National Policy Forum and would continue this on the NEC. Finally, two Progress favourites – Oona King and Luke Akehurst – are both worthy of your vote. Each will bring fresh, member-focused perspectives to the NEC, ensuring the Labour party is match fit for the next cycle of electoral challenges.