While such examples may be exceptional, the broader issue of how to win votes in a pluralistic society is one that all parties must address.

With this in mind, Quilliam published its latest report, Skin-deep democracy: How race, religion and ethnicity continue to affect Westminster politics. Based on interviews with 70 MPs, PPCs and party members, it shows how all three parties have at times tried to create (and exploit) religious and ethnic ‘bloc votes’, rather than engaging with voters as individuals.

To do this, some party activists have manipulated controversial and divisive issues that have a specific appeal to certain ethnic or religious groups. In other instances, they have brokered deals with ‘community gatekeepers’, such as the leaders of south Asian biradari clans or religious clerics of various persuasions, in return for their followers’ collective vote.

This kind of ‘engagement’ prevents citizens from being treated as individuals and instead addresses them only as members of an ethnic or religious group. This ‘take me to your leader’ attitude is an unwelcome echo of the dark days of colonialism when imperialists saw ‘the natives’ as a seething undifferentiated mass who could only be approached indirectly through self-appointed ‘leaders’.

Such tactics would have little purchase, among British Muslims at least, if Islamist groups and individuals were not so busy jockeying for ‘leadership’ roles by claiming to speak on behalf of Britain’s 1.6 million Muslims. All too often, the previous Labour government went along with this, uncritically accepting the Muslim Council of Britain’s claim to be the sole national interlocutor for British Muslims.

However, such backroom arrangements sidelined the majority of British Muslims who suddenly found themselves cut out of the democratic process. Despite democratically voting for MPs and local councillors to represent them, they suddenly found themselves ‘represented’ by the MCB, which claimed to speak for ‘the Muslim community’.

But the MCB did not speak for ‘the Muslim community’. Although poll after poll showed that British Muslims cared about the same issues as everyone else – jobs, employment, housing, and even immigration – the MCB told the government that ‘the Muslim community’ was principally concerned with ‘Islamic banking’, the Arab-Israeli conflict and the provision of separate services and schools for Muslims.

Labour needs to learn from its mistakes. Rather than engaging with Muslim voters as members of a presumably homogenous religious bloc, Labour must recognise that Britain’s Muslim citizens are, like all other citizens, individuals with a multitude of identities and political concerns. Just as politicians would disregard Nick Griffin’s claim to be the voice of the white working class, so should they disregard Islamist claims to represent British Muslims.

 

Photo: Paolo Valdemarin