On the Tuesday after winning the 1979 election, Margaret Thatcher gathered her new cabinet for an informal meeting. She records that they ‘began the painful but necessary process of shrinking down the public sector’. They also decided, in defiance of the Treasury, to implement in full the Edmund-Davies commission recommendations on police pay. Amid public sector pay freezes and cuts, most coppers saw an immediate 45 per cent increase in their pay. It told the public that Thatcher valued the police, and it reminded the police whose side she was on. When the inner cities burned in 1981, and the coalfields erupted in 1984, it was a message they didn’t forget.

Until the mid-1990s, the Tories owned law and order. Labour had an analysis of crime which involved waiting for the socialist Nirvana before mugging and burglary would cease. The 1983 suicide note included pledges to ‘protect the rights of individual suspects’, a new police complaints procedure, community police councils, strict limits on stop-and-search, and disbanding the special patrol group. The message to the police was that Labour didn’t trust them; to the public the message was that Labour lived on a different planet.

By contrast, the Tories’ manifesto could state: ‘Any concession to the thief, the thug or the terrorist undermines that principle which is the foundation of all our liberties. That is why we have remained firm in the face of the threats of hijackers and hunger strikers alike.’

As shadow home secretary, Tony Blair took the Tories apart after 1992 on the spiralling crime rate, breakdown of social order, and a prison system which was out of control. In government, Labour could never be accused of being overly liberal on crime or antisocial behaviour. It was based on an innate understanding that the British public want fast justice, hard punishment for criminals, and support for victims. When Gordon Brown dropped the ‘respect agenda’ in 2007 to distance himself from New Labour, he ditched one of the few policy initiatives which was understood and valued by the public, especially those plagued by gangs, vandalism and noisy neighbours.

Now, though, the Tories, in their bid to detoxify, have ended up where Labour was in the 1980s: soft on crime. Justice secretary Ken Clarke makes Roy Jenkins look like Judge Jeffreys. Up to 12,000 convicted criminals, who would have been banged up under Labour, will be on the streets by the next election. Then there are the real liberals within government, pressing for an end to ‘control orders’. These were introduced by Labour because the criminal justice system failed to deal with aspects of terrorism. The head of MI5, Jonathan Evans, argued recently that ‘terrorist threats can still exist which the criminal justice system cannot reach.’ The Liberal Democrats argue that control orders are illiberal. They’re right. They restrict the liberty of individuals who want to plant bombs outside nightclubs or on the London Underground. Liberal Democrat ministers want them dropped, against the advice of the Home Office and the security services. David Cameron is reported to have said ‘we are heading for a fucking car crash.’

As Tory and Liberal ministers increasingly sound like polytechnic sociology lecturers, Labour has only one sensible response: to camp firmly on the territory of ‘tough on crime’. Labour’s policy on crime and disorder should be aligned with the instincts of the people we need to vote for us: the decent
hard-working majority who want to see criminals convicted, not cosseted. One of the key promises on the 1997 pledge card was fast-track sentencing for young offenders. We need a set of policies which strike the same chord. New powers for communities to stand up to street gangs and neighbours-from-hell. More uniformed cops on the estates and streets. No quarter for terrorists, their fellow-travellers, or those preaching hate. More focus on the rights of victims, not prisoners. Criminals in prison, not on cushy community punishments. Prison a place of retribution, as well as rehabilitation.

Ed Miliband started his leadership by saying we need to learn from the mistakes of New Labour. A no-nonsense approach to crime and antisocial behaviour was not one of them. If Labour wants to reconnect with the C2 voters who deserted us in such record numbers, a tough approach on crime should be at the heart of our campaigning. For Ed Miliband, shadow home secretary Ed Balls and Sadiq Khan, the shadow justice secretary, it might mean moving away from the liberal positions they’ve hitherto adopted.More Mirror and less Guardian is what we need from now on.

 

Photo: Steve Calcott