In 1997 a referendum was held which asked two questions: did we want a Scottish parliament; and should that parliament have tax-varying powers? 1,512,889 Scots, or 63.5 per cent of those who voted, agreed that, yes, the parliament should have those tax-varying powers.

Recently it emerged that the SNP government decided, soon after entering office three years ago, to cease paying the annual maintenance costs, of only £50,000, to HM Revenue and Customs which were necessary to enable those tax-varying powers to be used. This was due to a refusal to fund a planned IT upgrade by HMRC to ensure the power could swing into operation within 10 months, should an administration decide to bring it into use.

The SNP government told UK ministers this August that it would not pay for HMRC to work on the PAYE systems to enable the power to be used after next May’s election.
Any incoming administration will now not be able to use the tax power until 2013-14.

Despite making this decision, John Swinney, the finance secretary, specifically ruled out use of the Scottish variable rate in his budget announcement in November, despite being aware that the actions of his administration had taken this choice not only out of his hands, but out of the hands of the next administration.

There are so many issues with the actions of the SNP in this matter: the deliberate misleading of both the parliament and the Scottish people; allowing a power clearly supported by the Scottish people to be lost; removing one of Scotland’s last line of defence against the ConDem government; and the SNP’s ongoing calls for more powers for the parliament, while throwing away the powers that currently exist.

Before I continue, yes, implementation of the Calman changes will alter this picture, but we don’t yet know, for sure, what those changes will look like or when they will come into effect, after all, it is the ConDems we are relying on to push those measures through.

One of the catalysts for widespread support for the creation of a Scottish parliament was the way Scotland was battered throughout the Thatcher years by a culture and values so alien to our own. We wanted protection from those harsh elements, and a tax-varying power was a vital element of that. If it came down to it, if the Tories slashed funding for public services to an intolerable level, we wanted to have some recourse. This is now lost to us.

This episode also reflects the contempt with which the SNP holds both the parliament and the people. Readers may recall the ‘Piegate’ episode, with Frank McAveety having to apologise to the parliament for claiming to have been delayed by ministerial business, when in fact he was having lunch in the canteen. This incident is thought to have significantly influenced his subsequent sacking from Jack McConnell’s ministerial team. Looking back, it doesn’t really compare. One wonders what John Swinney would have to do for his position to become untenable, if being less than forthcoming to parliament over the past three and a half years isn’t enough to shoogle him from his peg?

Most political scandals are really not. They are storms in tea-cups, whipped up at random by the media, distracting attention from meatier policy issues. This is different. This was wrong, undermining of democracy, dishonest, wrong.

 

Photo: mtcl