Iran has softened its ideology, altered its aims and opted for cooperation rather than confrontation outside its borders say members of the containment lobby. Past willingness of the Islamic Republic to cooperate with the US is presented in evidence.

Proponents of containment mistake changes in the message for changes in underlying ideology. Iran knows that it is not always in its interests to frighten the west with threats and has become adept at managing its image in order to prevent this. Expurgated versions of its ideas are circulated for western media consumption. Contemporary followers of Ayatollah Khomenei see the west as corrupt and un-reformable but attractive to Iran’s own people. The best defence is therefore offence; Iran must defend itself when necessary but the long-term aim is to defeat the west and make possible the global triumph of its ideology.

Iran’s foreign policy is guided by similar principles. Flexible enough to retreat when threatened but to advance when the coast is clear, Iran cooperated with the US in Afghanistan when it feared that it might be linked to the 2001 Al Qaeda attacks in America. As the threat of force receded so did the cooperation. Its nuclear programme is also a good example of its fundamentally uncompromising nature.

The hardliners’ tactical retreats are a straw clutched at by those favouring containment to provide evidence of a sea-change in behaviour. Extrapolating from these they conclude that Iran is now a ‘rational’ actor placing survival above ideology. This implies that suicide is a sign of madness, yet even terrorists are usually not mad while often willing to die for their beliefs.

Those who have concluded that survival overrides ideology are guilty of what Edward Said, the influential Palestinian writer called ‘orientalism’; western false assumptions about the east. In the secular west these worldly concerns are part of our cultural DNA, but are misleading when applied to the Middle East. Iran’s radicals are being seen by those who want to justify containment through the prism of a kind of survival materialism. Martyrdom, being prepared to die for one’s religious beliefs, is part of the culture.

There is very little that is life-enhancing about the regime which could justify a claim that its leaders are mainly concerned with survival. It has little to offer its people except a message of hate. The other side of hatred directed toward outsiders is hatred towards one’s own people and ultimately toward oneself, as was the case with Hitler in his last days. It is misguided to think that such individuals place a high value on life.

Even if individual hardliners wanted to buck the trend, they are part of an entrenched and inflexible system heavily reinforced over the years. Having got rid of the reformers and pragmatists the regime is ill-equipped to make adjustments to the outside world. There is a self-destructive streak wound into the system itself.

The likelihood is that hate directed outwards under these conditions will bring about the demise of the regime if their own people don’t bring it about first. Iran would likely take risks under containment despite the odds being stacked against it. Deterrence is not an exact science; they could gamble by arming terrorists or make a nuclear strike against Israel. Given their unpopularity at home, they may feel that they have little to lose by taking a desperate gamble while willing to accept martyrdom if they don’t succeed. In recognition of the fact that an offer of friendship alone is unlikely to succeed in nuclear talks, President Obama has not taken the use of military force off the table. Israel may strike Iran to destroy its bomb-making capacity.

If conflict is to be avoided, it needs to be made clear with urgency by everyone able to do so, directly to President Obama or via this government, that the hardliners have not changed their spots. A bomb in their hands would be incompatible with the security of all and would not be acceptable.

 

Photo: Steve Rhodes