Well, before my response, a correction. I was one of the Scousers mentioned at the beginning of their piece, desperate to rid Liverpool Football Club of owners Tom Hicks and George Gillett last year. But our problem was not their nationality. It was that they treated fans like mugs. Like TV property moguls they bought, speculating that the price of the club would rise and they could sell it on. When they went into negative equity, they tried to get us to pay the spiralling debt. They had to go: not because they were US nationals, but because they were bad for our club.

This is the first problem with Jon and Jonathan’s analysis. They are right about the need for community. The Labour party was created to fight for our common good, against private vested interest. And when private interest in the shape of the financial sector caused great damage to public good, people rightly expect Labour to do much more than the Tories. The public expects us to stand up against wealthy vested interests. But this argument is not sufficient to make the case for English identity politics that the two Jons describe.

Their correct description of our anger against big business and the lack of care forces of global capital have for quality of life doesn’t necessarily make us nationalists.

Secondly, Labour did not uniformly lose in England. England is a diverse country. And in 2010, its election results were also diverse. In Chesterfield, the Labour vote fell only 1.6 per cent; but across the Pennines in Chorley, Labour shed 7.6 per cent of their voters. In Cleethorpes, Labour was down nearly 11 per cent; but down in Croydon, Malcolm Wicks’s vote increased by 2.5 per cent. With TV debates, expenses crises and a global economic shock ahead of the poll, this election was hard to call. The drivers behind the voters’ choices are equally hard to determine now. To say there is an ‘English’ political scene, crying out for someone to stand up for England, is just not factually correct, with so much divergence across towns, cities and counties.

It is important to ask what impact different local prospects had on the election. In my own Wirral constituency, where many are still employed in manufacturing, I have no doubt that high-profile support from Peter Mandelson and Gordon Brown for this sector through the recession helped me secure an unexpected Labour victory in a seat that was Tory until 1997. Perhaps the poor results in some of the former coalfield areas like Ashfield (Labour vote down Labour 15 per cent) and Leigh (nearly 10 per cent) stem from a perception that we had not done enough here.

This is an empirical question – one that needs more research. But I fear that over-simplification of our identity will not help us illuminate the losses of the last election as we work out how to win the next one.

Nobel laureate Amartya Sen wrote Identity and Violence about the error in politics of prioritising just one part of a person’s identity above all others. I am English. But I’m also a woman, a red head, a shoe-addict, from Merseyside, a politician, the daughter of public-sector workers, a philosophy graduate, and a Fair Trade supporter. My identity is multifaceted and so is everyone else’s.

Sen says: ‘The insistence…on a choiceless singularity of human identity not only diminishes us all, it also makes the world more flammable.’ He goes on to explain that he does not mean that we are all the same, but that our complex interconnected range of identities makes it easier to find alliances. He says, ‘The main hope of harmony in our troubled world lies in the plurality of our identities which cut across each other and work against sharp divisions.’

So, the relationship between our cultural identities and our voting intentions is a complicated one. We can know who we are, and celebrate our identities without the over-simplification that risks division. An instruction to Labour to ‘fight for an England which belongs to the English’ ignores the real political challenge we have now: to define that which unites us all, and spell out a vision for everyone that meets the varied expectations of our common humanity.