By focusing on the perils of independence, we discovered that ‘divorce is an expensive business’ had long passed its expiry date. The voters are no longer scared of an independence referendum, because they are aware that all they have to do, if they’re not in favour of separation, is vote no. 

By organising our activists in a key seats strategy, the core of which was developed for the 1997 election campaign, we found out that where we needed to be active was in our own backyard. I left my own constituency, Glasgow Anniesland, at around noon to head over to Glasgow Southside to try and help the excellent candidate, Stephen Curran, get elected. We lost Glasgow Anniesland by seven votes. That will haunt me. 

By concentrating our efforts on getting out our core vote we learned two things: that it’s not good enough when another party’s vote is collapsing and one of the key minority parties has decided not to field constituency candidates this time round; secondly, contact sheets with information gained during the Westminster election campaign can no longer be relied upon to be accurate for a Holyrood campaign. 

We need to learn these lessons. 

We’ve been criticised for spending the past 12 years trying to scare the Scottish electorate. I’m not sure that’s really our main fault. I think it’s us who’ve been scared, and it’s time to step away from that into the future. 

The Scottish Labour party behind closed, and sometimes not so closed, doors likes to assert that, left to our own devices, we’d be much more radical, much more innovative, much more Labour. We like to blame Middle England and Blairism for holding us back from our enacting policies rooted in our core values, but in Holyrood, what’s to stop us but ourselves? 

Sometimes we like to blame the electorate for our dedication to the middle of the road, but perhaps the time has come to question who is the more conservative, the voters, or the Scottish parliamentary Labour party? 

After the last election we looked at individual policy streams, we consulted widely, but what we ended up with was a series of solid, sensible policies, yet with no central narrative, no distinctive vision for a better Scotland. Unsurprisingly, that’s what the electorate is looking for: a better Scotland. 

I love the Scottish Labour party, I’m proud of our history and what we’ve achieved, but for us to move forward as a party, we have to do that in the reality of a post-devolution, more assertive, more confident Scotland. A Scotland with problems that won’t be solved by nationalism, but a Scotland with possibilities and opportunities. A Scotland where we don’t work for, or even with, ‘the people’, but instead are a part of an ongoing mass political and social movement, a new way of life that is more equitable and more just, a Scottish way of life.