It’s become a political truism that there’s a problem with benefits scrounging – indeed the entire premise of the government’s welfare reform bill, now completing its Commons stages, appears to be that people need to be coerced to work. I’ve just sat through two months in the Public Bill Committee, and I can’t once recall ministers acknowledging that people on benefits want to work. Instead, a flow of negative stories about benefits scroungers and intergenerational worklessness has emanated from the DWP, which has variously and insidiously conflated addiction, obesity, disability and idleness with the need to claim social security benefits.

It’s disingenuous for Chris Grayling to say – as he did to the work and pensions select committee last week – that it’s nothing whatsoever to do with ministers, that he can’t control what journalists write. The language doesn’t have to be explicit when the mood music’s constantly negative. We’ve seen plenty of stories in recent weeks that appear to have been released for no other reason than to whip up public hostility to those who receive social security benefits, doubtless in a bid to help to legitimise the government’s mean welfare reforms.

All this calls into question the government’s good faith. In opposition, and when appointed to DWP, Iain Duncan Smith told us that his reforms would reward work, that they were about making work pay. That’s certainly an objective that we’d all agree with: Labour’s reforms also ensured that nearly everyone was better off if in paid work. But while it’s true that in-work poverty remains disappointingly high, it’s simply a myth to suggest that languishing on benefits under Labour was a valid, or popular, lifestyle choice.

And it’s also a myth that IDS’s universal credit will resolve the problems of in-work poverty. Indeed, it is not really designed to do any such thing. While the focus on getting almost all households to at least have some work is entirely understandable, the policies selected by the government – mini jobs and disincentives for the second adult in a couple to enter the workplace – will in practice do little to reduce in-work poverty, while inadequate funding to help parents meet the cost of childcare will mean for some families in-work poverty will become much worse.

Labour must therefore reframe the argument. Evidence-based policymaking requires us not to attack the workless, but to address the barriers to work – not least of which is the lack of jobs. Labour should make the moral case, not simply leap on the bandwagon of condemning the workshy. For while there are some who shirk their responsibilities (and let’s not underplay Labour’s very successful crackdown on benefits fraud), the truth is that many are desperate to work.

As unemployment rises, and ordinary people fear for their jobs, our position should be to guarantee a right to work, to guarantee work will lift you out of poverty, and to recognise that responsibility lies not just on claimants, but on government too to remove barriers to work. We must be bold, for such an approach is not just politically possible, it’s morally imperative that it’s the position we take. 


Photo: Elias Schwerdtfeger