Neil Kinnock had as his motto ‘get your betrayals in first’. The idea was that if Labour had a clear programme for a mixed economy, a multilateral approach to disarmament, and a role in the EEC, no one could complain if that’s what it did in government. Kinnock never had the chance to find out if his strategy was successful. However, despite Tony Blair being pretty clear in opposition about his attitude towards nationalising the commanding heights of the economy and scrapping the nuclear deterrent, it didn’t stop his critics crying ‘betrayal’ within a few hours of the 1997 landslide.

Ed Miliband has got his betrayal in first, at least in the minds of many of the strikers this week. His name has been booed on demos and rallies because he called the strike ‘wrong’. The unions out on strike on Thursday – PCS, NUT and ATL – are not affiliated to the Labour party, and their leaders are not in the mainstream of the Labour party. In an industrial dispute between public sector unions and the government, the Labour leader does not have a dog in the fight. He expressed his view (several times, if you watch that viral TV clip that’s done the rounds), and you can either agree or disagree. But what you can’t do, in good conscience, is cry ‘betrayal’.

My colleague Dan Hodges over at the New Statesman puts it rather well in his appeal to Ed’s critics:

‘What did you think you were doing – electing the president of a student union? This man is putting himself forward for the job of prime minister of the country. He can’t pick up a placard and take a stroll along the picket lines.’

Was Ed right? To answer the question you have to decide what you think he was doing. At one level, he was offering tactical advice to the unions on the efficacy of launching a major strike action during a negotiation with ministers. Once that particular bolt has been shot, it is hard to reshoot. So the schools stood empty, and the borders were a little less safe for a day. What do the unions do next? An escalation of strike action would risk a massive collapse of any residual public support, and a fracture within the unions themselves. So Ed’s advice was probably right.

But he has a broader, bigger task too. That’s to persuade the British public, who mostly work in the private sector and do not belong to trade unions, that they can vote Labour without fear of a return to the 1970s. When Blair talked about ‘fairness, not favours’ it served to reassure a wary electorate. Ed has an even bigger task of reassurance, as this time Labour will not been in opposition for 18 years. So at this second level, Ed was right to put distance between his party as a government-in-waiting, and the strikers. If Ed is prime minister in 2015, he will no more be able to guarantee public sector pensions than can Cameron. It’s the strongest possible signal we’ve had that Ed is serious about winning the next election and governing in the broad interests of the British people. He took another step in that direction by what he said.

Thousands of workers this week were not worrying about their pension. They work for Carpetright, Thorntons, TJ Hughes and a host of other retailers, and they are worried about how they will pay next month’s mortgage. I didn’t notice any demonstrations and rallies for them. I have to say I have rather more sympathy for them than civil servants.


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