(a game plan for the Tories to win an overall majority in 2015) found that 46 per cent of the public believe themselves to be working class, including 75 per cent of skilled blue collar C2s, 48 per cent of white collar C1s and even 25 per cent of professional/managerial ABs. It says class is still a major determinant of voting, with 61 per cent of those describing themselves as working class voting Labour in 2010, and 60 per cent of Tory voters describing themselves as middle class. This difference is too great to just be a statistical variation and there needs to be some rigorous analysis to ascertain the correct figure. Until then it would be dangerous if Mattinson’s figures led Labour to adopt a strategy that downplays the electoral significance of the working class just as Ashcroft’s Tories target them.

If we allow ourselves to believe that only 24 per cent of voters identify as working class – a figure which is clearly at odds with a commonsense view obtained by walking round the average town looking at the houses people live in and the jobs they do – we risk detaching Labour from its basis as a party of the working class which exists to articulate their concerns in parliament, such as being tough on crime, sound on defence, focused on work and housing, sensible on immigration, and improving the fairness of our welfare system. Sticking close to the values of working class people will not just help us reconnect with the five million C2DE voters we lost between 1997 and 2010, who should be part of our bedrock vote, it will actually help us win the votes of swing middle-class voters who may not call themselves working class, but share many common concerns and values.

The risk inherent in believing Mattinson’s figures is that we decide that instead of being a traditional social democratic party with a unique role, we should just be another elitist ‘progressive’ party alongside the Greens and Lib Dems, with vague middle-class liberal policies – soft on crime, soft on defence, obsessed with environmentalism and constitutional reforms – which has limited appeal outside the six boroughs in central London and four university seats that voted Yes to AV. That way lies electoral euthanasia. Others will seize on her numbers as fuel for the myth that we can ignore the people who founded our party and who our party was set up to represent. 

 


 

Photo: Christian Greller