Three years ago the world’s eyes were on Georgia. In scenes reminiscent of the Cold War, Russian tanks rolled in, thousands of people fled, and lives and communities were destroyed. The world’s leaders were caught off guard, in was unclear where it would all end. The lesson I took from that episode was that we turn a blind eye to the Caucasus at our peril, but I am not sure that this lesson has been fully learned.
I recently made my first visit to Georgia. I was impressed by what I saw. Tbilisi is a magical city, a melting pot of cultures and influences. Despite a Russian embargo on Georgian goods the economy is growing, up six per cent last year. The government is maintaining the momentum of democratic reforms, parliament is to be strengthened and there are to be new laws enhancing transparency of media ownership. Major strides have been taken to reduce corruption, with particular impact on the police force. After the Rose Revolution of 2003, it was commonplace for members of the public to have to pay bribes to the police. The situation was so bad that the entire police force was sacked, and new officers appointed. Corruption was virtually eliminated, and ordinary people noticed an immediate improvement in their daily lives. This has been recognised internationally, with Transparency International ranking Georgia as the first in the world in terms of a public perception of reducing corruption. Public trust in the police has risen from 11 per cent before the Rose Revolution of 2003 to 88 per cent this year. The same poll found that 97 per cent of Georgians have not found themselves in a situation over the last 12 months when they had to pay a bribe in order to get a service or a favourable decision. As we focus on the Arab Spring, it is clear to me that the new governments could learn much from what Georgia has achieved in strengthening the capacity of the state and showing the people tangible, quick improvements in the aftermath of a revolution. But as will be the case in the Middle East, positive changes in Georgia must be embedded. There must be cast iron safeguards to ensure the country continues to move in the right direction, and to prevent any danger of slippage back to what went before.
Progress in Georgia takes place under the long shadow of a northern neighbour. Twenty per cent of Georgia remains occupied by Russian troops, in the territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Russia continues to base thousands of troops in both areas, in breach of commitments made to the international community. 400,000 ethnic Georgians long to return to their homes in both territories, over 20,000 of whom were expelled during the 2008 war. The Russians campaign to encourage nations to recognise Abkhazia and South Ossetia as ‘states’ has been an embarrassing flop, with only Venezuela, Nicaragua and Nauru following the Kremlin’s lead. President Saakashvili has pledged not to use force to take the territories back and the Government is pursuing an ‘engagement strategy’ to win over hearts and minds. This policy is intended to open up connections for local populations in education, healthcare and transportation and economic links.
Three years ago the Georgian political leadership were convinced that the Russians were going to take the capital and then the entire country. The same thing happened in 1921, when the Red Army crushed three years of precious independence. Those years are some of the proudest in Georgia’s history, when brave leftist politicians created an oasis of social democracy in the region. The experiment was praised and admired by Labour politicians of the period, several of whom visited Tbilisi.
Ed Miliband has stated that Labour’s foreign policy is to be based on values and not interests. Georgia is a small country, without great natural resources or economic wealth, albeit with an important role as an energy corridor for Europe. But, in a region where democracy and human rights only flicker, the Georgian government is attempting to build a democracy based on European values. Our values of support for democracy, international law and human rights, mean we must maintain our resolve to find a solution where those displaced can return to their homes and communities and live side by side once again.
As the appetite for EU and NATO enlargement recedes, and our attention turns to the Arab Spring and the crisis in the eurozone, there is a risk that we give up on the former Soviet space. I discussed these issues with President Saakashvili and made clear the interest and commitment of the Labour leadership to Georgia and the wider region.
David Cameron will visit Moscow later this year. He told me at prime minister’s questions in May that he will to raise Georgia at his meetings in the Kremlin. This is very welcome and other leaders should do the same. The lesson from 2008 is not to turn a blind eye to Russian aggression or ignore developments in the Caucasus. We make the same mistake again at our peril.
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Gisela Stuart is MP for Birmingham Edgbaston and a member of the defence select committee
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As soon as the Tsarist Empire broke up 1917/8-20, Armenian-Georgian war broke out. The Menshevik dictatorship of 1918-21 was no liberal paradise. As for Saaskashvili, he bombed his own people. (Not during a war.) Why should Azarians, Abkhazians and South Ossetians tolerate a man whose regime committed such atrocities”? After the Rose Revolution of 2003, it was commonplace for members of the public to have to pay bribes to the police.” as Frl Gisela herself admits…etc etc. WAS the “Rose Revolution” devoid of US instigation and finance a la Otpor, which brought down an elected government (unlike that of Shevardnadze which owed its legitimacy to Soviet inheritance – civilized enough by more recent standards….)? Gisela, NATO is in its death agony, NATO leads ro indefinite aggressive wars…forget orders..think for yourself….
See it had no oil so the UK was not interested same in Libya one has oil the other does not, Syria has little oil so needs no help, good old black gold.