This biography of Tony Benn is enthusiastic and readable, yet curiously unsatisfying. Benn’s career is nothing if not precocious. MP at 25. Spin doctor to Labour’s leader in his early thirties. His campaign to renounce his peerage, recounted with panache here by Jad Adams, in itself guarantees political immortality. But the ‘great democrat’ could never convince sufficient voters to fulfil his aspirations for Labour’s leadership, despite changing Labour’s entire leadership election system to his own perceived advantage.

Adams observes that Benn’s life ‘resembles more a quest for martyrdom than a struggle for power’, but passes no judgement on the flaming inferno into which Benn’s campaign for martyrdom transformed the Labour party in the early 1980s. Indeed, for Adams, Labour’s travails seem unconnected to Benn’s actions. Too often, and this is the book’s greatest weakness, Adams uses Benn’s own reminiscences and post-hoc justification as his primary evidence.

For Adams, Benn ‘is loyal to principles in politics, not people’, and it is this that alienates so many colleagues. He relates what Benn himself considers to have been ‘mistakes’, such as his parliamentary speech criticising compensation to victims of Japanese wartime prison camps on grounds of past ‘cruelties inflicted on the British similar to the ones inflicted on our men by the Japanese’. Yet the occasions when Benn ignores principle for the sake of political convenience are neglected. The 1975 referendum saw a massive popular vote in favour of EEC membership, but Benn is soon found defying the ‘people’s verdict’, advocating withdrawal without a vote. Little light is shed on how he arrived at this position.

Adams characterises the 1980-81 debate on Labour’s internal democracy as between the status quo and ‘democrats’ such as Benn who advocated greater power for trade union block votes. In doing so he ignores those proposing genuine internal Labour democracy on the basis of one member, one vote and Benn’s opposition to it. The references show that Adams has read Labour’s conference reports, making this all the more surprising. Just as remarkably, Adams accepts at face value Benn’s assertion that John Smith’s introduction of OMOV elements was ‘an attempt to break the link between the party and the trade union movement’.

Adams’ cursory treatment of Benn’s role in the 1983 election debacle continues in the same vein. Defeat is everyone else’s fault but Benn’s, even for Benn himself in Bristol. Whenever blame is apportioned, like Macavity, Benn is curiously absent.

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Greg Rosen is author of Old Labour to New

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Photo: Pryere