London’s mayoral election next May should be Labour’s for the taking. So why is Ken Livingstone finding it such an uphill struggle, asks Dan Hodges

Can Ken Livingstone win in London? Yes. Will Ken Livingstone win in London? No. Next year’s mayoral campaign is not an election but a Hobson’s choice. Since its leadership was last contested, the world’s greatest city has been rocked by the implosion of capitalism, seared by rioters’ flames and locked in a silent but deadly struggle with the perpetrators of international terror. Yet in the intervening period not one of the major political parties has had the maturity or foresight to even come up with a new candidate, never mind a new stratagem for ensuring London stands tall amid the breaking economic storm.

Boris Johnson and the Conservatives at least have the excuse of incumbency. That Livingstone and Brian Paddick are his opposition is a graphic reflection of the way Labour and the Liberal Democrats have proved incapable of coming to terms with the differing challenges posed by political defeat and political success.

But we are where we are. Livingstone is Labour’s candidate and, despite the mutterings, he will remain so until the moment the returning officer ratifies Johnson’s victory next May.

That he will lose is inevitable. But that does not mean it is necessary. The mayor is beatable. In fact, given the current economic and political climate, or, more importantly, the likely climate prevailing in seven months’ time, he is there for the taking.

The most recent YouGov poll, conducted in June, put Labour almost 20 points ahead of the Tories in London, a lead that should make their candidate virtually unassailable. Yet Livingstone actually trails Johnson by seven points. He is not the campaign’s figurehead but its sheet anchor.

There are a number of reasons for this. The first is the nature of the election itself. Mayoral campaigns are not political, but personality contests. If they were not, Labour’s candidate would be walking it. On all the standard criteria, he bests his rival. ‘Sticks to what he believes in’ – Livingstone 41 per cent, Johnson 32 per cent. ‘In touch with ordinary people’ – Livingstone 37 per cent, Johnson 20 per cent. ‘Good in a crisis’ – Livingstone 23 per cent, Johnson 12 per cent. ‘Strong’ – Livingstone 30 per cent, Johnson 22 per cent.

But ask about that X-factor, ‘charisma’, and the tables are decisively turned – Johnson 50 per cent, Livingstone 18 per cent. Johnson is the ringmaster, Livingstone the hot dog vendor. Sadly, that matters.

There is no little irony in this state of affairs. For years Livingstone topped Labour’s political A-list. In fact, he was on a list all of his own. He ran a series of secret, underground gigs; exclusive, countercultural, edgy. Now he looks tired. His conference speech was underpinned by the announcement of a ‘fair’s fare’ policy; a return not to the heyday of his mayoralty, but the bad old days of the Greater London Council.

The Guardian’s Michael White framed the contest perfectly in his conference sketch: Livingstone, ‘now an improbable Labour elder statesman (66)’, versus Johnson, the ‘a £400,000-a-year income’ incumbent with ‘star status’ and ‘too many girlfriends’. Labour’s campaign will be characterised by a pensioner waving his free bus pass; the Tories’ will be all booze, birds and Bo Jo. It is not a fair fight.

But then Livingstone is not really a fighter. The myth of him as a political mastermind is just that. The former mayor is a brilliant fixer, a fiendishly effective schemer. But he is not a scrapper.

Livingstone has not prevailed in a close contest in his entire political life. During his reign at the GLC, London was effectively a one-party state. His election as MP for Brent required scales, not counting agents. During his first two mayoral campaigns he was not running against Frank Dobson or Steve Norris, but a Tony Blair weakened in the first contest by his botched attempt to prevent Livingstone’s candidacy and in the second by post-Iraq unpopularity. Before Livingstone placed a toe on the campaign trail the result of each election had been ordained.

Only once has he been in a real fight. And he lost it. To a man who, when the campaign started, was not a cultural phenomenon but a last-minute replacement for that titan of British politics, Greg Dyke.

That is not to say ‘Red Ken’ does not still have fire in his belly. Simon Fletcher, his chief of staff at the mayoralty and campaign supremo, is a serious and gifted operator. And while his ‘Balkanisation strategy’ ultimately proved no match for Lynton Crosby’s ‘Doughnut strategy’ in 2008, it means he still has some big London battalions to call upon when the real battle is joined, especially among the capital’s influential BME community.

But there is a world of difference between having a campaign on paper and having one on the ground. And Livingstone does not have a natural or, for that matter, pragmatic ability to bind people together in a common cause. Indeed, his entire political ethos has been one of divide and rule.

I worked under the former mayor for a period at Transport for London, and it was not a pleasant experience. That is not because Livingstone himself is a particularly unpleasant individual; indeed, those who are close to him are consistent in their description of a warm, witty and even sentimental man.

But Livingstone does not let that many people get close. And that creates enormous tensions within his own camp. Advisers are constantly unsure of their own position within his internal hierarchy and are constantly jockeying for position. Nor are they afraid to use the whip on those around them. When things are going well it can be destabilising. When they are going badly his operation becomes completely dysfunctional.

But there is one hurdle Labour’s candidate faces that is greater than all the others. And it is insurmountable: Johnson enters the 2012 mayoral election campaign as the insurgent; Livingstone the establishment man. This is the staggering, yet decisive, role reversal that cost Livingstone the 2008 campaign. And it will cost him dearly again next year.

Johnson has shamelessly, transparently and disloyally cut his leader and his party adrift in his efforts to define himself as the Tory party’s rebel with a cause. If David Cameron were to fall under one of Boris’ buses, London’s mayor has made no secret he would be happy to be the guy driving it. Indeed, at times, the distance between Team Boris and Conservative Central Office appears farcical. While writing this piece I phoned CCO for a contact number for the Johnson campaign: ‘Er … hang on,’ said the press officer. ‘Actually I don’t have it. I think you can find it on their website.’

Livingstone, in contrast, is now the loyalist’s loyalist. No pronouncement of Labour’s leader passes unpraised – he has even taken to striking cloying poses with Tessa Jowell. The independence of the past has been crushed beneath the heel of party conformity. And it is Livingstone himself sporting the Flamenco boots.

Obviously, there are no certainties in life. National politics could rudely cut across the best-laid plans of mice and mayors. Londoners could finally come to see ‘Bo Jo’ as ‘Blue Jo’. Some unspeakable Bullingdon indiscretion could reach across the decades.

Perhaps Livingstone himself could throw off the shackles, and charge triumphantly down the Mall, Hugo Chavez and Lee Jasper at his side, comrades united for one final glorious revolutionary charge. All these things could happen. But they won’t. It will ultimately be closer than people expect. But Livingstone is fighting his last campaign.

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Dan Hodges writes for The Daily Telegraph. He formerly worked for the Labour party and the GMB

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Photo: Overseas Development Institute