I’m not privy to what appeared on Labour’s media grid at the start of the week, but I doubt it included John Prescott telling a fellow Labour peer to ‘bugger off’ following an article in the New Statesman which appeared to attack the Labour leader, or by a massive, and ill-informed row after a Labour frontbencher made a sweeping and negative generalisation about all members of one particular race.

It felt more like one of the weeks in a general election when the wheels come off the wagon, and no matter what the war book says, the media focus on something else. Politicians punching voters, the ears belonging to a small child called Jennifer, a mildly xenophobic old lady in Lancashire, that kind of thing.

To call the rows generated by Glasman and Abbott a bit of a distraction is like saying there’s been a bit of a breeze this week. The evidence of broken tiles and uprooted trees tells a different story. Both rows have been done to death, so I won’t disinter them. But what an age we live in when a daft remark on Twitter, by a woman once paid thousands by the BBC to say provocative things every week, can lead the news bulletins.

The really annoying thing about the Abbot & Glasman act was that Labour had some serious things to say this week. Indeed, in terms of substantive politics, this is has been one of the most encouraging few days since Ed Miliband was elected as leader of the Labour party. Three interventions, by three of the most radical progressives on Labour’s frontbench, give us a confidence that there are those in Labour who are serious about winning the next election.

First was Liam Byrne’s article in The Guardian to mark the start of the year which marks the seventieth anniversary of William Beveridge presenting his famous report into social insurance to parliament. Byrne intends to use the anniversary as a peg to hang a series of speeches and visits on the theme of welfare reform. I wrote yesterday on LabourList about the politics of welfare reform.

Making the system of benefits fairer and more efficient is one of those areas, like immigration, which dominate the political conversations of just about everyone except politicians. Anyone who has canvassed a Labour area recently knows how salient welfare reform is with the voters. The vast political trap that looms ahead of us is that the Tories end up looking like the party of welfare reform, and Labour seems like it only wants to defend the status quo. That would put us offside with the voters, and doom our prospects at the next election.

As Byrne has been at pains to stress, the other side of the argument is the need for jobs and growth in the economy. But Labour also needs an answer to the millions who believe the benefits system rewards the least deserving and punishes those who want to get on.

Next, the shadow education secretary Stephen Twigg made a speech to the North of England Education Conference which launched a School to Work review chaired by Barry Sheerman MP, and floated the idea of a longer school day to prepare pupils better for the world of work. Twigg told the conference that 21st century schools are often ‘still organised like factories’. He said:

‘The workers down tools when they hear the bell ring, and are strictly separated into production lines, focused on building the constituent parts of knowledge, maths, science etc.  At the same time, students are rigidly separated. Taught in batches, not by ability or interest, but by their own date of manufacture. While noble in its origins, this 19th century form of industrial education feels distinctly ill at ease with the demands of a modern, globalised economy, which demands collaboration, innovation, entrepreneurship, and an appreciation that developing value comes not from a more efficient forms of production, but more skilled ones.’

This is music to the ears of working parents, for whom a 3.30pm school pick-up makes doing a full day’s work impossible. It’s a surefire vote winner, as well as making sense from an educational point of view. In some of the toughest areas, it would also help cut antisocial behaviour and the activities of gangs. It’s popular, it makes sense, and it’s good for parents and their children: I’m sure the NUT are already painting banners.

The third intervention this week is shadow defence secretary Jim Murphy’s warning that Labour must be credible, not populist, on defence cuts. He said:

‘It is important to be both credible and popular when it comes to defence investment and the economics of defence. There is a difference between populism and popularity. Credibility is the bridge away from populism and towards popularity. It is difficult to sustain popularity without genuine credibility. At a time on defence when the government is neither credible nor popular it is compulsory that Labour is both.’

The background briefers were keen to stress that Murphy was only talking about his brief, and the need to cut £5bn from the defence budget, but his words should apply across the board. No one serious in Labour is advocating a ‘no cuts’ approach. But for our deficit reduction plans to be taken seriously, each shadow team should be identifying savings in their departmental area to prove we mean it.

Byrne, Twigg and Murphy are part of a generation born in the 1960s, schooled in politics in the 1980s and 1990s, who climbed the ministerial ladder in the 2000s, and this week showed the depth and vision to lead Labour into the 2010s. We have a long way to go. But hard-headed economic credibility, with innovative ideas for public service reform, provide a useful start. If we can persuade Labour’s foot-in-mouth brigade to give the next generation the space to develop their thinking and make their case, we may be back in the game.

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Paul Richards writes a weekly column for Progress, Paul’s week in politics

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Photo: Marion Doss