I really enjoyed my time as government chief whip, but who’d want the role at the moment!

This week, parliament expert Professor Philip Cowley from Nottingham University reported that the number of government rebellions in this parliament already stands at 199. By contrast, the whole of the first Tony Blair parliament saw only 96; and the whole of the 2001 parliament saw 259.

After the euro vote rebellion last year, the word was that Cameron was going to work harder with his backbenchers. The strategy isn’t working. The week before last, more than 100 Tory MPs wrote to the PM opposing the further development of wind power. They leaked the letter to the Telegraph. Last week, they decided to cut out the middle man and just write directly to the Telegraph, calling for the repatriation of crime and policing powers from Europe. As chief whip, I would have offered my resignation if 100 backbenchers had chosen to bypass the whips’ office and express their concerns via a national newspaper.

And dissent is not confined to the backbenches. This week we learn from ConservativeHome that there are three cabinet ministers who want the government to drop the NHS bill. ConservativeHome’s Tim Montgomerie was attacked by ‘friends’ of Andrew Lansley, but he’s well enough connected not to have to make this sort of thing up! As the Guardian’s Patrick Wintour says, these cabinet ministers fear that Cameron is simply not listening and have resorted to revolt by website.

What are the reasons for all this dissent and indiscipline?

In my experience, backbenchers often found it difficult to vote for things which had not been in the manifesto – so I can imagine it could be tough to persuade people to vote for something simply because it was in a coalition agreement that they weren’t involved in negotiating and didn’t campaign for. Furthermore, the coalition ensures that there are disappointed Conservative backbenchers who can see their chance of a ministerial job disappearing into the hands of yet another Lib Dem.

Keeping the coalition together seems to require fulsome praise and joint appearances for previous political opponents. Despite the relatively recent attempts to define their differences, government ministers often appear closer to each other regardless of party than they are to their backbenchers.

The ‘Gerrymander and Campbeds Act’ which will reduce the number of MPs from 650 to 600 is also having an impact on backbench behaviour. Many MPs will find themselves fighting each other for the reduced number of parliamentary seats. Their immediate need then is to get noticed and to appeal to the selectorate – their constituency associations – rather than to support the tough decisions and long slog of government.

Cameron took pleasure in quoting Tony Blair when defending his NHS bill. But he’s learnt the wrong lesson from Tony. If you’re going to appeal to the public over the head of your party, you need to choose the right reform and be able to explain it! It is not clear to people what problem the NHS reform is aimed at solving – the public are in the same place as the cabinet ministers expressing concern!

This is a serious failure of political ‘touch’. The whips’ office will certainly have to up their game, but if the prime minister is making fundamental misjudgements, even the whips’ dark arts won’t be able to save his NHS reform or his party’s unity.

—————————————————————————————

Jacqui Smith is former home secretary and writes the Monday Politics column for Progress

—————————————————————————————

Photo: NHS Employers