Last time I wrote for Progress about defence I outlined some of the defence savings Labour would make if in power, arguing that responsibility on spending had to go hand in hand with reform. Since then our thinking has developed. Our review of defence procurement lays the ground for an active defence industrial strategy while our wider defence review examines the global threats we face. Today, at a Reform conference on value for money in defence, I am outlining Labour’s plans for and advanced and affordable defence policy, providing a framework for our work between now and 2015.
Today’s security context is transformative. New threats are matched by new technologies, uncertainty equalled only by unpredictability. Climate change and energy security are threats alongside nuclear proliferation or terrorism. These threats exist in a volatile financial climate, driven by persistent procurement problems which plagued successive administrations, the global economic downturn and this government’s failure to stimulate domestic growth.
In this context the UK must aim to have flexible forces with whole-spectrum capabilities, able to respond rapidly whether through preventative measures, reactive disaster relief or multilateral interventions.
For Labour the priorities are clear. Two state-of-the-art fighter fleets, advanced unmanned vehicles supporting all three services, carrier strike and strategic air lift are vital. Strategic warning capabilities and intelligence will provide early indicators of threats. Skills must be a strategic capability and maximising technology is essential.
Alongside this there must be a greater focus on alliance-building. The UK-France accord can lay the ground for a landscape of discrete bilateral or regional European arrangements. Nato, however, is the primary military grouping through which action will be taken and Europe’s focus should be on greater deployability and burden-sharing within the alliance, not on new EU headquarters for a joint force the UK will continue to oppose.
But our defence posture is also challenged by a public wary of interventionism following recent conflicts and the financial crisis. There is a risk of growing ambivalence towards acting on responsibilities overseas, but we cannot let the legacy of Iraq be potential for another Rwanda. We must make the case for proactive defence postures but also redefine the nature of interventionism. Our goal should be prevention before intervention and early intervention before conflict. Whether in investing in civil society and governance or diplomatic engagement, the spectrum of capabilities at the UK’s disposal to defend our interests and promote our ideas in the world should be capitalised on.
An enduring priority will also be supporting our service personnel and their families. Ed Miliband has spoken about Labour’s One Nation approach to developing a country where everybody has a stake and we protect the institutions that bind us together. Upholding the principles of the Armed Forces Covenant is the embodiment of one nation politics. Service is an act of solidarity with your country, and we must strengthen support to those who serve as well as the bond between the service community and country at large.
Ministers claim defence is on a stable footing, but there are widespread worries over capability gaps, skills shortages and an underdeveloped reservists policy. Labour’s approach, by contrast, will match the needs of the frontline to those of the bottom line. There are six main areas in our plan to strengthen affordability in defence.
First, we are open about fiscal restraint and the choices that necessitates. We know that some government cuts we simply could not reverse, for example the loss of Nimrod, and others we agree with, which is why we have been clear about our multibillion pound savings. For others, not knowing the state of the books in 2015 means we cannot guarantee now which government cuts we could reverse, other than through switching existing spending or freeing up resources through reform.
Second, a future SDSR would take a zero-based approach, ensuring every penny is accounted for.
Third, we want to instil a new discipline in defence spending with any increase in costs one year accounted for across a rolling 10-year MoD budget cycle. Decisions could not be routinely deferred, creating a bow wave in the budget.
Fourth, we want increased accountability. Under our plans the National Audit Office would report annually to judge whether the equipment programme remained affordable and deliverable. The report would include a MoD justification of its decisions, introducing real-time rather than retrospective analysis, and the defence secretary would present it to parliament.
Fifth, we would reform procurement practice so more projects are delivered to time and cost, increasing transparency over contract decisions, introducing sanctions for overruns and a new professional service to manage procurement.
Lastly, we would work with industry to design a fresh defence industrial strategy which supports sovereign capabilities and exportability.
This is the beginning of Labour’s thinking as we consider our 2015 offer. It is essential that we show the public that our boldness in policy is matched by a commitment to financial reality and that the two are not incompatible. This agenda for defence is rooted in recognition that if you defend the past you lose the future, so we will be on the side of change to deliver advanced and affordable armed forces.
—————————————————————————————
Jim Murphy MP is shadow secretary of state for defence. He tweets @JimMurphyMP
—————————————————————————————