There are two theories about the fate of the many Tory voters who used to roam freely across the plains of Scotland.

The most common theory also happens to be the least persuasive: that during the last Major government, they had a Damascene conversion and chose to turn their backs on the evils of unbridled capitalism, embracing instead the virtues of social democracy, or even full-throated socialism.

The second theory, unfortunately, happens to be far closer to reality: they did indeed lose faith in Major’s party, partly because they lost faith in its message, but also in its ability to actually win. They switched their allegiance, initially directly to Tony Blair’s Labour party and then, more recently, to Salmond’s nationalists (although widely different voting patterns at Westminster and Holyrood elections make the picture far more complex). In other words, they’re still Tories; they just don’t bother voting Tory any more.

It is perfectly true, as Owen Jones recently pointed out in his recent Independent column, that in 1955 the Tories became the only party ever in Scotland to win more than 50 per cent of the popular vote. What Jones failed to point out is that the biggest electoral mandate given to any party in more recent times was that given to Tony Blair’s Labour party in 1997. In that momentous election, we made a deliberate pitch for – and won – the support of Tory voters with a manifesto that was radical and progressive, but which, crucially, accepted many of the economic facts of life which previous Labour manifestos had chosen to deny.

Jones used his article to repeat the message he and his comrades on the far-left preach at every opportunity, whatever the subject: only by turning sharp left can Labour attract enough support to win future elections. By refusing to embrace the kind of policies that would make members of the Socialist Workers’ party sleep soundly in their beds, wrote John McDonnell’s former parliamentary researcher, Scottish Labour …

‘has apparently willingly sacrificed its role as Scotland’s standard-bearer of social justice to the SNP, ensuring that progressive politics and the cause of independence have become welded together.’

Consider that accusation for just a moment: support for independence has, through our failings, been ‘welded together’ with social justice. And yet, support for Scottish independence in all the latest polls has struggled to get above 30 per cent – reflecting the rough level of support it was when Alex Salmond first became Scottish National party leader in 1990. It is a decidedly minority interest. Does this mean that Jones thinks that social justice in Scotland, being ‘welded’ with support for independence, engages barely three in 10 Scots? That doesn’t say much for a nation which, Jones apparently believes, has a political centre of gravity which is significantly to the left of the rest of the UK.

What seems to offend Jones the most is the recent speech by Scottish Labour leader Johann Lamont in which she pointed out the fact that Scotland could not become ‘the only something-for-nothing country in the world.’ He was particularly irked by her open-minded approach to the funding of higher education in Scotland, where university students still get their degrees for free. This has led directly to a massive funding gap between universities north and south of the border and a consequent lack of expansion in the number of university places here (and this led Scottish education minister Mike Russell last autumn to celebrate the fact that every university place for the new academic year in Scotland had already been filled. Celebrate? He should have been ashamed!).

If you come from a deprived or even working-class background in Scotland, you have less chance of getting to university than any of your compatriots living in England, Wales or Northern Ireland. That inexcusable situation is one with which the ‘leftwing’ SNP are perfectly contented, and one which the ‘sell out’ Scottish Labour party are determined to address.

The answer, Jones inevitably claims, is to devolve tax-raising powers and increase the amount that workers already contribute to higher education. In other words, if you’re a shelf-stacker earning minimum wage at Tesco’s, be prepared to surrender even more of your pay packet so that students – many of whom come from a wealthy backgrounds – can get a free degree and earn much more than you.

Fortunately for Lamont and Scottish Labour – and for the generations of working-class kids who might aspire to university education in the future – Scots are more supportive of the principle of charging students than Jones is.

The idea that Labour lost so badly in 2011 because we weren’t leftwing enough is risible and, incidentally, completely unsupported by any kind of evidence. Jones is right to denigrate the ridiculous flagship policy with which we went into that election, promising to lock up anyone carrying a knife in public. The policy has its merits, but it was hardly going to inspire voters to come out and vote for us. But neither did the SNP win because it claims to be (though is clearly not) leftwing; they won because it was seen to be positive, competent, energetic and enthusiastic about its cause. Scots, who don’t, on the whole, support their ultimate aim of separation, nevertheless voted for them because they had confidence in their ability to run those services which have been devolved to Holyrood. Scottish Labour, in contrast, looked enfeebled, unsure of what we stand for, lacking in confidence and in need of an array of persuasive policies.

But before Jones considers ‘The strange death of Scottish Labour’, he might want to consider another inconvenient truth: that a mere year before May 2011, many more Scots voted Scottish Labour at the general election than voted for the the SNP administration in Edinburgh.

Jones finishes his article by repeating a nasty piece of what we used to call ‘Trot-Nat’ propaganda. Of Scottish Labour campaigners, a ‘senior Labour source’ apparently told him: ‘It’s not even contempt any more – we’re laughed at on the doorstep.’ I’m not accusing Jones of lying – he clearly believes his conveniently anonymous source. But his source was lying. Activists from my own party are out on the doorsteps of Glasgow South every Saturday morning, and the reception we regularly receive is overwhelmingly positive. Other MPs will tell you the same, and they’re not lying. Admittedly, voters are still not convinced about Scottish Labour’s claim to govern at Holyrood. But neither are they enamoured of Salmond’s ministerial team. When carrying out voter ID on the issue of independence, it’s rare to doorstep anyone who supports breaking up the UK. That quote was certainly not from any friend of Labour, and Jones’ use of it did my party, and his own argument, a disservice.

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Tom Harris is MP for Glasgow South. He tweets @TomHarrisMP

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Photo: Scottish Labour