The first mistake critics of both David Cameron and Boris Johnson make is to assume that neither men believe in anything. The second mistake they make is to assume that even if this were true it would matter.

It is of course impossible to know exactly what either of the two men believe (for as Lenin put it, a ‘sincerometer’ has never been invented) but it is unimportant since both seamlessly fall back onto right-wing Tory instincts when it comes to the pinch.

We’ve seen evidence of this with David Cameron’s rush to purge his government of ‘green crap’ and portray migrants as benefit scroungers. We also saw it from Boris Johnson last week when he addressed the Centre for Policy Studies and called for a return to the philosophy of ‘greed is good’.

If there is a lesson here it should be this: supposed no-content Conservatives are actually the ones you have to watch out for.

But David Cameron and Boris Johnson are very different types of Conservative. Whereas Cameron is a shire Tory with metropolitan social mores, Johnson (I refuse to call him Boris, for I do not know the man) should be viewed as a liberal Thatcherite. The latter believes in capitalism red in tooth and claw, but he shares the liberalism of the young when it comes to social issues. He is pro-immigration, ambivalent about gay marriage and called for a ‘rethink’ on drug policy long before it was fashionable to do so. David Cameron certainly appears to be in favour of gay marriage, but it is hard to imagine him joking about cocaine or mulling amnesties for illegal immigrants, and not simply because he is the prime minister.

Apart from the amiability of his bumbling clownish demeanour, therein lies the secret to Johnson’s popularity, especially among the young: there is a call for his brand of economic and social liberalism, as recent Social Attitudes Surveys keep attesting and which we on the left keep ignoring. Boris Johnson isn’t (only) popular because he is funny, but the fact that he is funny prevents some of us from getting to the nub of his appeal.

Johnson has been able establish a broader appeal than any other leading politician because he is far more in touch with the young than most politicians. As the Economist put it in a brilliant piece back in June, which looked at the growth of British liberalism:

‘The chaotic, colourful mayor of London, a rare politician who transcends his Tory identity by melding social and economic liberalism, appears to have Britain’s libertarian youth in the bag’.

Like Boris, young people predominantly favour a small state in both social and economic affairs. Despite continued strong support for the National Health Service, the 2012 BSA survey showed a hardening of attitudes toward many traditional left-wing concerns. In 1991 over half (58 per cent) of Britons agreed that the government should spend more on benefits even if it resulted in higher taxes. Last year that figure was just 28 per cent. More than half also believed people would ‘stand on their own two feet’ if benefits were less generous, while only 20 per cent disagreed. Going back to 1993 the responses were almost exactly the opposite.

On social issues the liberal trend is also clear. Again to quote the Economist:

‘Polls show that the young are more relaxed than others about drugs, sex, alcohol, euthanasia and non-traditional family structures. They dislike immigration, but not as strongly as do their elders. And they are becoming ever more liberal. The BSA has tracked attitudes for three decades. It shows that the young are now far more tolerant of homosexuality, for example, than were previous generations at the same age’.

As I’ve written before, I don’t think the economic liberalism of the young necessarily dooms the left, because it is this same economic liberalism that is failing those who appear to have embraced it. In Britain in 2013 young people are more likely to be unemployed, more likely to have accrued large debts and have less chance than previous generations of owning a home.

That said, there has been a signal failure of any politician of the left to connect with young people in the way the Mayor of London has been able to. Putting this down to Boris’s anti-politics ‘charisma’ is a convenient excuse which side-steps the fact that there is a growing audience for his liberal message.

This is why Boris Johnson is such a dangerous politician. In assuming the public is stupid enough to vote for a politician they simply find ‘funny’, critics misunderstand his appeal, and will likely be found wanting when the time comes to counter his alluring brand of liberalism.

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James Bloodworth is editor of Left Foot Forward and writes a weekly column for Progress. He tweets @J_Bloodworth

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Photo: Gary Knight