Since its defeat in 2010, public service reform has been the black hole in Labour’s internal debate. Next week, at last, we can expect some colour, with Ed Miliband’s first major speech on the subject, Jon Cruddas entering the fray, and Liz Kendall launching the IPPR’s report on the ‘relational state’.

Over the past three years, we have heard a lot about what Labour is against in terms of public services – cuts, the Tories’ hugely wasteful reorganisation of the NHS, and Michael Gove’s free schools – but precious little about what it is for. There are some honorable exceptions: Kendall has been energetically pushing the case for new thinking about social care, both in terms of what the state should provide and how it should be delivered. Lucy Powell has spent her first few months as shadow childcare minister upping Labour’s tempo on the subject. And, since being elected to parliament in late 2012, Steve Reed has brought to Westminster the zeal he showed as leader of Lambeth council for pushing power out of the town hall to local communities.

But what is the big picture we should be looking for Labour’s leader to paint next week?

First, we need to hear something about Labour’s priorities. As the Institute for Fiscal Studies warned this week, despite the economic recovery, whoever wins the next general election will be forced to make the deepest cuts since 1948 to Whitehall, local government and welfare spending. Indeed, as the IFS went on to suggest, we still have not seen the worst of austerity: by the end of this financial year 60 per cent of planned spending cuts will be yet to come. Demographic pressures will add to this challenge. Because of the rising number of people over 65, even if the NHS budget continues to be frozen in real terms, real age-adjusted health spending per person will be nine per cent lower in 2018-19 than it was in 2010-11.

Nonetheless, as Patrick Diamond notes in the latest issue of Progress, at the end of the current spending review period in 2017-8, public spending as a proportion of national income will be at the same level as it was in 2003-4, midway through Labour’s second term in government.

Labour thus needs to begin to indicate how it will shift public spending towards its priorities. As Kendall argued in her chapter in The Purple Book in 2011, investment in schools and hospitals was given priority by the last Labour government. The next should prioritise investment in childcare and social care. As the experience of the Nordic countries suggests, high-quality universal childcare is a win-win: for the Treasury, women and their children, and society as a whole. It increases the female rate of employment, thus helping to underpin the sustainability of the welfare state at a time when the population is ageing; shrinks the gender pay gap and helps more women provide for their retirement; and reduces child poverty while boosting social mobility. Similarly, investing in improved social care services not only increases the wellbeing and independence of elderly people, it also helps relieve heavy financial pressures on the NHS by delaying the need for costly high-intensity or institutional care.

If Labour wishes to be bold, it must also be politically brave. Since the early 2000s, for instance, spending on pensioner benefits has risen by 37 per cent. Means-testing benefits such as winter fuel allowance, free TV licences and free bus travel for affluent elderly people would raise over £2bn per annum. Although this would be a largely symbolic move – shifting this £2bn would still leave the government to find another £5bn a year if it wanted to create universal, Nordic-style childcare – it would dramatise that Labour is willing to fight for its priorities by taking on a politically powerful section of the electorate: wealthy pensioners.

Second, we need to hear something about Labour’s philosophy. We have heard much from the Labour leader about the new kind of capitalism he wants to create. And we have recently been told about his inspiration: Theodore Roosevelt, whose ‘trust-busting’ took on the great oil and railroad monopolies in early 20th century America. Now we need to hear from him about the new kind of state he wants to build. For, while Miliband is surely right that public trust in the banks and energy companies is at rock bottom, the voters’ faith in government is not much higher, either. This poses a particular challenge and responsibility for the left; for the right, in fact, suspicion of the efficacy of state action merely serves its ideological ends. As Bill Clinton argued in the early 1990s after the Democrats had been defeated in three successive presidential elections, ‘those who believe in government have an obligation to reinvent government to make it work.’

There is, indeed, a political and philosophical link between this agenda and Miliband’s desire to change the way the British economy works and who it rewards. Politically, as my introduction to The Purple Book argued, there is strong evidence to show that public concern about concentrations of power in the economy is mirrored by a lack of belief that the state can operate as a counterweight. Thus, for Labour to win its argument about reforming the market, it first needs to prove that it is capable of reforming the state. The philosophical link is one that Cruddas instinctively understands. As he told the Local Government Association last year: ‘Our country has suffered from decades of excessive centralisation in the market and the state. People feel that their opinions are ignored and their interests as workers and citizens excluded.’

By talking about his reform agenda in terms of power – and the need to bust concentrations of it in both the state and the market – Miliband can show that Labour’s concern with vested interests goes beyond the boardrooms to the public sector bureaucracies. Statism has dominated Labour’s discourse for much of the postwar period, now it Miliband’s chance to disinter the party’s ‘decentralist tradition’, that of: the cooperative and mutual movements; of the municipal ‘gas and water socialism’ of the interwar years; of GDH Cole, Robert Owen and the Rochdale Pioneers. It is an old tradition that is right for new times: one that replaces the notion that Labour should grab the reins of Whitehall with the idea, as Purple Book author Paul Richards put it, that its task is to ‘create new centres of governance, power and wealth creation, as alternatives to both the centralised state and the private sector’.

Finally, we need to hear something about how Labour will turn that governing philosophy into practical policy. As Nick Pearce, director of IPPR, outlines in the current edition of Progress, Labour should advocate a major devolution of powers to local authorities and city-regions: on economic development, skills and apprenticeship funding, welfare-to-work services, schools commissioning and house building. That should be accompanied by a move towards long-term budgets. Given certainty over spending for a five-year period, local areas can realise efficiencies by integrating services and shifting investment into preventative services.

Some powers will rest well with existing local authorities, some need to go to city-regions. But more power for the big five city conurbations beyond London – Greater Birmingham, Greater Leeds, Greater Liverpool, Greater Manchester, and Greater Newcastle – should not mean more power for unelected quangos. Instead, we need to revisit the question of directly elected mayors with real powers. And, if Labour is serious about giving local authorities more power, ways need to be found to ensure that more of what they spend is raised locally. That must not mean increased taxation but a shift in the balance of taxation from national government to local government.

But, as The Purple Book argued, Labour’s agenda for public service reform must not simply be about empowering institutions, albeit ones that are closer to people. Instead, the party needs to show that it is serious about empowering public services users. The use of mutuals and cooperatives – owned by staff, users and local communities – to deliver new child and social care services, sure start and primary care should be encouraged and incentivised. Micromutuals of personal budget holders should also be assisted so that users can gain strengthened purchasing power through their pooled resources.

Citizens should also have new rights where services are failing. If, for instance, schools fail to meet minimum attainment standards for three successive years, parents should have the right to trigger a competition to bring in new providers. In schools that are officially assessed as poor, parents should have the right to choose an alternative state school, armed with an education credit worth 150 per cent of the cost of educating their child in their current school.

Finally, while some on Labour’s frontbench now decry the alleged ‘marketisation’ of the NHS over which the last government allegedly presided, we should not forget that the positive impact of patient choice and managed competition. Studying the effect of Labour’s policies, Zack Cooper of the London School of Economics concluded: ‘Publishing data on how hospitals are performing, and allowing every patient in England to go to the best hospitals in the country, improves standards across the NHS.’ Moreover, research by the University of York showed Labour’s approach had not harmed the vital principle of equity, either.

Given the wrangling over academies, foundation hospitals and patient choice which marked Labour’s time in office, Miliband’s apparent desire to avoid the subject of public service reform was understandable but it was also misplaced. A party serious about power cannot stay silent about its vision for the nation’s public services.

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Robert Philpot is director of Progress. He tweets @Robert_Philpot

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Photo: plashing vole