Another election defeat, another round of compulsory cognitive dissonance salves within the Labour party. With the requisite blame on the Iraq War and New Labour tried again by Ken Livingstone and Jon Trickett and found wanting (lads, it has been 10 years and even Tony managed to win an election with both of those on his back – give it a rest!), a new answer to reassure certain groups within the Labour party that they were right all along has sprung up: ‘lazy Labour’. The idea that Labour had the support to win all along – only that three million who said they would vote Labour just were no’t inspired enough on the day to toddle along to the polling station, and therefore the answer for next time to drive those voters out is – (surprise!) – a more stridently leftwing programme that just so happens to totally overlap with the proposer’s ideology. Forget difficult questions like ‘Why exactly did we lose seats to the Conservatives when we got more votes than 2010 and there was a higher turnout?’ and ‘Why did the Tory vote go up so much in our target seats?’ Out with those, in with another round of navel-gazing!

Let’s ignore that the last leader of the Labour party was elected on the classic ‘unite the left’ progressive majority prospectus. Let’s ignore that this myth’s proponents are implying that prospectus is worth one more heave, when it worked in the seats we were trying to win from the Liberal Democrats but nowhere else. Let’s also ignore that it is pretty unlikely all those voters apparently put off only at the last minute by a ‘Controls on immigration’ mug were somehow responsible for us losing our shadow chancellor’s seat to a mass of Labour voters defecting to the United Kingdom Independence party.

Because, even on its own terms, the ‘lazy Labour’ myth struggles to convince as an explanation for why we did so badly in the seats we needed to win last Thursday. It struggles even more as a starting point for how we fight the seats we need to win in 2020.

It relies entirely on going along with Ipsos MORI’s explanation for why it called the election result so far out along with everyone else – that their methodology was right, but that turnout at this election was supposed to reach a dizzying 82 per cent. Given we ran possibly our most intensive ‘get out the vote’ ground campaign ever, for a turnout 16 points below that, you have to wonder exactly how many million more conversations ‘lazy Labour’ proponents expect our activists to make next time in lieu of their ideology making the slightest compromise with the ‘wrong sort of voter’.

This is not a solution – it is a comfort blanket and a pernicious one. The scale of the defeat we had last Thursday is gargantuan, and bromides saying that victory will be ours if only we unite and inspire the left will get us nowhere.

Only a quarter of the seats we lost to the Scottish National party have majorities of less than 10,000.

Along with the eight seats we lost to the Conservatives, over two-thirds of our 106 target seats this time saw an increase in the Tory majority – to the point where the swing we need next time just to overtake the Tories as the largest party is larger than the one we needed to win a majority this year.

On majority sizes alone, a 110-seat target list to get us to a working majority features such true blue strongholds as Chipping Barnet, Canterbury, and Iain Duncan Smith’s seat in Chingford and Woodford Green.

By and large, the seats we need to win had above average turnouts, negligible Green and Liberal Democrat votes vulnerable to another ‘progressive majority’ appeal, and Ukip vote shares that outperformed their national result. And all this before punishing Tory boundary changes.

It is doable, but not if we lick our wounds with inward-looking myths. With Nicola Sturgeon presenting herself as the only legitimate opposition to David Cameron north of the border, we will not win in Scotland until we can convincingly win in England. So we need a leader who can reach out to alienated Ukip switchers in left-behind areas as effectively as they can to the Guardian readers of Muswell Hill, who can communicate our values without lapsing into bubblespeak and persuade them that Labour has answers for them again. And we need a party with a message that speaks just as much to comfortable families in commuter towns as it does to the shelf stacker on a zero-hours contract. This is a task more difficult than the one we faced after 1992, when traditional middle-class aspirational voters were our primary focus. With the quadrilemma of appealing to those voters, winning back Ukip converts and the SNP exodus, and without repelling the voters we have, the next leader faces Roy Jenkins’ Blair metaphor of carrying a Ming vase across a slippery floor, but also up three flights of greased stairs.

With these challenges in mind, nothing could be more ‘lazy Labour’ than an impotent and self-indulgent focus on how to maximise turnout among fellow travellers for fear of appealing to the ‘wrong people’. We need a focus on how we can bring our former voters back and bring more into the Labour tent. Only then will we represent the country – and only then will the voters trust us to represent them.

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Tyron Wilson is a member of Progress. He tweets @TyronWilson

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Photo: secretlondon123