Amid all the soul-searching and data-crunching of the past few weeks, one statistic haunts me more than any other. By a margin of 39 points, people who voted on 7 May said the Conservatives would manage the economy more effectively than Labour. That is not a small gap that might be clawed back with a fair wind in this parliament, it is a chasm between us and the Conservatives. If Labour is to win in 2020, our principal challenge is to restore our reputation as a party that can be trusted to manage the public finances. The lesson of 2015 is that if we fail in this task, everything else (including our 17-point lead as the party trusted to manage the NHS) is immaterial.

We are only a few weeks into our leadership contest, but my fear is that the economy has not had the prominence it deserves. The early consensus seems to be that we should apologise for overspending between 2005-8 and quickly move on. We must resist the temptation to do the latter. Not least because we run the risk of saying something we know voters want to hear, without sounding like we mean it. Instead we need to be categorical; acknowledge that we overspent between 2005-8, apologise unreservedly for running a deficit at a time we should have been running a surplus (as every good Keynesian will tell you) and vow never to repeat the mistake again.

An unambiguous apology for the past will be a start but on its own, it will not nearly be enough. To earn a fresh hearing on the economy, we need a leader who demonstrates as much enthusiasm for clearing the deficit as they do for protecting our public services. To do this, we should abide by a simple principle, to act in opposition as if we were in government. That means no more kneejerk opposition to every cut in public spending, but a more considered and forensic style of opposition, which exposes and fights the most dangerous elements of the Conservative agenda, but does not cry outrage on a daily basis.

Having a responsible and costed plan for cutting the deficit does not mean the Labour party needs to sign up to the totality of George Osborne’s agenda. On the contrary, we need to demonstrate that the public finances can be repaired by making different choices, especially when it comes to universal benefits.

Liz Kendall has said she would drop the policy of lowering tuition fees to £6,000 per year, as it was effectively a subsidy to the middle classes and that the money would be better focused on supporting early years education. I can support that argument, but on the basis that we apply the same standards to all areas of policy. Take winter fuel payments, an ineffectual, costly and badly targeted scheme. Abolishing it would save billions, some which can be used to make sure we protect people in fuel poverty, the rest towards deficit reduction. End the anomaly which allows over-65s who are in work to not pay national insurance and raise £2bn per year. Restore the link between free prescriptions and the retirement age (not 60 as it currently is) and raise £1.6bn in the parliament. These are just a few examples, all courtesy of excellent papers from the Intergenerational Foundation – there are countless more out there.

It will take courage to challenge the principle of universality in our welfare state, but to rebuild our reputation as a party that can be trusted with the public finances, there can be no issue cast into the, ‘too difficult’ box. Only if we are candid about the scale of the challenge can we set the Labour party on a trajectory to eliminate that 39-point gap on economic competence and stand ready to win again in 2020.

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Photo: jarkko