We are the true guardians of the spirit of 1945

One of the most thought-provoking questions on the state of the Labour party after the general election defeat came from my six-year-old daughter.

That is not explicitly a comment on the rigour of the Labour leadership debate – there has been quite enough written about that, some of it fair and much not. Nor is it intended to highlight the genius of my daughter, which is obvious and need not be dwelt upon.

It is closer to the emperor’s new clothes maxim that it sometimes takes a child’s questioning to expose what ought to be blindingly obvious.

The question my daughter asked was: ‘What did you want to do at the election?’ And then: ‘Why did more people want what the other team wanted to do?’

That it was harder to give a succinct yet convincing answer to the first part of question (to anyone, let alone a six-year-old) brought home just how badly Labour has drifted in recent years.

But more worrying still is the fact that many Labour people consider the second question an irrelevance which exposes those who ask it as slow-witted dupes of an outdated political orthodoxy.

It is just simple maths, they say. Three times more people did not vote Tory as those who did, so all Labour has to do is pick up a few more of the non-voters and, hey presto, we are back in power.

Lovable old Clement Attlee inspiring people to switch from Winston Churchill’s Conservatives to Labour’s promise of a welfare state in 1945 – that kind of thing was all very well in its day, but it is frightfully passé now. For these people, the 76 per cent figure of those who did not vote Tory has already become a symbol by which subscribers to the new politics can identify each other.

And a growing number think that not only should those who voted Tory in 2015 be ignored, they should be despised. Following this argument, anyone asking why the Tories were more popular is not stupid or stuck in the past, he or she is actively wicked. Those seeking to understand why voters turned to the Conservatives are carrying out a devilish plan to steal what is left of the soul of the Labour party.

This is the flawed logic of the cult. If the Labour party is serious about continuing as a force to fight injustice, poverty and lack of opportunity, it must not become entrapped by it. The reason we did not win this year is because the leader was wrong to say Labour could win while stepping away from the instincts that have always guided successful Labour governments. After our crushing defeat, many have constructed ever more elaborate explanations as to why glory is around the corner as long as we keep the faith, or, better still, turn more hardline and take not just a step but a giant leap away from Labour’s winning instincts.

If we want to get back to a position where we can actually stop what the Tories are doing to Britain rather than just criticising it, we need to fully acknowledge how bad things are.

The knowledge that only a quarter of our seats we lost to the Scottish National party have majorities of less than 10,000 and that over two-thirds of our 106 target seats this time saw an increase in the Tory majority, is simply a letdown to our party.

Not only must we recognise how far we have fallen, we must be passionately intolerant of the self-indulgence of the new Bennites masquerading as evangelists of a new politics. Andy Burnham recently said that the Labour party of today would be too scared to build the NHS like the Labour government of 1945. In fact, Messrs Attlee, Bevan, Bevin and Cripps, men who governed through the horror of war and went on to win the peace, would send packing those who espoused the fantasy politics that is seducing many in the aftermath of our latest defeat.

The true guardians of the spirit of 1945 are those who seek to understand how fast the world is changing and change their ideas to meet the new challenges.

Britain’s population is ageing rapidly, its expectations are rising, and the frontiers of medicine are receding as technology advances. In these circumstances, preserving the NHS in aspic would do a gross disservice to the memory of those who created it. Even more importantly, it would let down the millions who will never be able to buy their way to good health and need a Labour government to stand up for them.

All of which ought to return the focus to my daughter’s first question. Or, rather, what we will want to do at the next election. Again, people immersed in the world of politics and political strategy can grossly overcomplicate what in the eyes of the electorate seems pretty simple. Political parties win elections when they have better ideas than their opponents, when they seem more in touch with the state of the world and the lives of their voters than the other lot.

Labour’s leadership election must be only the start of Labour’s renewal of mission. If we are genuinely determined to serve and be a vibrant part of the communities being divided and impoverished by years of Conservative government, we must think afresh how Labour’s historic values of spreading power, opportunity and wealth to all can best be achieved in a world that is so different from 1997, let alone 1964 or 1945.

Embrace that new challenge and we can do so much. We can run rings round a government that ought not to have got the chance of a second term. Carry on as we are and we fail those who need us and continue on a path that may ultimately lead to oblivion, or, at best, shrunken, factional irrelevance. The organisation I am proud to chair, together with many thousands of other Labour members who share our values, will fight and fight again to prevent that happening.

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John Woodcock MP is chair of Progress

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Photo: Wikipedia