The Labour party started the conference week talking about Trident, and ended it talking about Trident. It didn’t matter that conference delegates voted to not talk about Trident. Thanks to the efforts of the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy there was plenty of hype whether conference would vote for a resolution on Trident over other more pressing issues such as refugees (it didn’t). Jeremy Corbyn’s announcement that he would never ‘press the button’ ensured the issue dominated the last day of conference.

As far as anyone keeping half an eye on goings-on in Brighton, perhaps worrying about this month’s gas bill or the price of food, the lasting impression was that the Labour party is obsessed with nuclear weapons. This is a shame, as the conference was about so much more than Trident.

There were some important policy announcements. Andy Burnham announced that police and crime commissioners are ‘here to stay’. Lucy Powell made it clear that academies and free schools would not be abolished. John McDonnell, the shadow chancellor, made it clear that a Labour government would ‘balance the books’. In speech after speech, in among the flights of fancy and fantasy politics, there was the recognition that an incoming Labour government, after 10 or 15 years of Tory government, will have to deal with the realities of a transformed public realm.

Perhaps the best speech of all was Tom Watson’s. It was well written and technically proficient, especially compared to the leader’s speech on Tuesday. But it also contained some real crunch. Tom, perhaps alone at the top table, understands the digital revolution that is shaping our society, our behaviour and even the way our brain’s work. His central argument is that this revolution in our times must also shape our party and politics. After years when the deputy leader’s speech on the final day was end-of-the-pier knockabout, it was a serious and cerebral contribution.

None this matters very much if Labour fails to cut through to the media. Journalists, in the absence of much else to do, looked for signs of splits, extremism, eccentricities and cock-ups. And of course they found them, and replayed them to millions of voters. The new leader may view the media as the running dogs of the capitalist class, but an electoral strategy which rests on antagonising journalists is doomed. The decision to abandon the traditional interview with the regional newspapers, or the choice to cut and paste bits of the speech off the internet, for example, are unforced, unnecessary errors.

Politics is littered with unintended consequences. One of the biggest resulting from Corbyn’s triumph, and apparent this week in Brighton, is that the Labour moderate wing is resurgent. Elements of the ‘traditional right’, moderates, progressives or whatever you want to call us, came together like never before. The Blairite lambs lay down with the Brownite lions. The supporters of Liz Kendall, Yvette Cooper and Andy Burnham broke bread together. The Progress Rally packed out a cinema. The Labour First caucus spilled from its upstairs room in a pub, and flowed onto the streets of Brighton, like a Revivalist meeting. Corbyn has united the Labour right.

Which is just as well, because the Labour left are on manoeuvres. The Brighton conference took place less than a month into their leadership of Labour. They knocked off two moderates from the National Executive Committee and cemented hard-left control, but this is still a period of phoney war. You can be sure that when we meet in Liverpool next year, after real elections across the UK, the battle for the soul of Labour will have begun for real.

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Paul Richards is author of Labour’s Revival: The Modernisers’ Manifesto. He tweets @LabourPaul