In September I visited Lebanon, a country on the frontline of the refugee crisis. I met Syrians fleeing the brutality of Bashar al-Assad’s regime and of Islamic State.

I met Iman, a 65-year-old grandmother from Aleppo, who was imprisoned by the Assad regime for more than two weeks. She had bravely returned to Syria after her son was killed to rescue her five grandchildren. They now live together in a shack made of breeze blocks, cardboard and plastic sheeting on rocky land outside the Lebanese port of Sidon.

Hadia told me how her husband, a Red Cross volunteer, was killed in Syria. Four of her older children are still trapped in Homs. Ahmed from Raqqa, and Yousif from Mosul in Iraq fled their homes with their families when Isis/Daesh took over their cities.

There is a massive humanitarian crisis in Syria. Over 250,000 Syrians have been killed, and more than 4.7 million refugees have fled to neighbouring countries. Six million people have been internally displaced, having suffered cluster munitions attacks, chemical weapons attacks, and disappearances. Thousands of civilians live under siege, their access to basic services denied, their condition simply unknown.

In August 2013, Labour members of parliament voted against the government motion to back military action in Syria. David Cameron lost the vote having failed to command the support of his backbenchers. The vote was prompted by a sarin gas attack on civilians in eastern Damascus, which killed over 1,400 people, including 426 children. The United Nations doctrine of the responsibility to protect allows military intervention to protect civilians from genocide and war crimes by their state, and provided a valid legal basis for intervention. With the albatross of Iraq hanging around both parties’ necks, it was an understandable but unforgivable mistake and the one vote that I shall regret forever.

The United Kingdom’s decision not to back airstrikes weakened the Obama administration’s resolve, and the movement to intervene in Syria melted away. The west effectively told al-Assad that he could do what he liked to his country’s people and that we would not act, no matter how terrible his crimes.

The result? The refugee crisis, ungoverned space which allowed Isis/Daesh to move in, and a war without law and without end in Syria. That vote left the west’s foreign policy enfeebled, and weakened our negotiating power at the Geneva peace talks.

Cameron must take some of the blame for this failure of British foreign policy. His mercantilist eagerness to court new export markets in China and Russia has led the Foreign Office into decline. MPs on both sides are now looking for a comprehensive approach to Syria.

For the last two years, the west has lacked a coherent strategy for dealing with Isis/Daesh and the crisis in Syria. A war that we wished was none of our business has become our business. Syrian children have drowned in our seas. Hundreds of thousands of Syrians have turned up in our continent seeking shelter. People like us, who had cars, apartments and solar panels, forced to flee bombs and sarin gas dropped by their own government – a government whose actions have enabled Isis/Daesh to wreak havoc in their pursuit of a caliphate.

In September 2014, at the request of the Iraqi government, our parliament voted to engage in airstrikes against Isis/Daesh in Iraq. Isis/Daesh had entered western Iraq from eastern Syria. Coalition forces have helped local troops retake one-third of the territory lost to it. RAF planes are attacking its fighters in Iraq but are turning back at the border with Syria, a border which is meaningless to Isis/Daesh. This weakens our fight against Isis/Daesh’s terrorism.

An Isis/Daesh extremist has already murdered 30 British holidaymakers in Tunisia in June. We know that our security services have already thwarted seven planned attacks on British soil. The horrific attacks in Paris have highlighted the need for the UK to combat Isis/Daesh in Syria. We cannot continue to outsource the difficult bits of our foreign policy to the United States and France.

Some have blamed the attacks in Paris on western intervention in the Middle East. Stop the War claiming that Paris was ‘reaping the whirlwind’ of intervention is woolly thinking, reflexive anti-Americanism.

Russia has now forced our hand, launching airstrikes and asking us to back their ally Assad to defeat Isis/Daesh. By invoking Article 42 of the Lisbon Treaty, François Hollande is seeking the help that we, as signatories, are obliged to give. Friday’s attack was not an attack on Parisians; it was an attack on the freedoms we enjoy in the west. An attack on our way of life. Our solidarity must be more than tweeting our support and lighting a tealight.

The choices are difficult. But our inaction in 2013 has left us with no easy choices in Syria. David Cameron must publish a roadmap for peace which sets out the future of the Syrian state, a timetable for Assad to leave, powersharing, the path to democratic elections and protection for ethnic and religious minorities. Airstrikes must be part of a comprehensive strategy for the Middle East.

Isis/Daesh is a fascist organisation that must be defeated. The longer we leave it the harder it will be.

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Mary Creagh MP is a former shadow secretary of state for international development. She tweets @MaryCreaghMP

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Photo: sgviews