Melvyn Bragg’s fascinating new Radio 4 series on the north of England’s history showcases its crucial ‘nearly nation’ status: unlike Wales, we have a dialect, not a language; unlike Scotland, we never had a proper parliament; but the north’s rebelliousness and non-conformist attitude sets it apart as more than just a region.
Indeed, if the north of England were an independent nation, it would be the eighth largest economy in Europe. The left tends to focus on the north and European Union funding, and from cleaning up Albert Docks through to a northern cultural renaissance this investment is clearly important. But this masks the wider importance of European trade and the single market to the north’s £300bn economy.
So why then did the north vote to leave an institution that seems so crucial to its ongoing resurgence? ‘Vote leave: take control’ appealed so deeply in the north less because of borders policy and more a deep itching for a democratic economy, an instinct for rebellion and a bluntness of message to Westminster: listening time is up, we want to make our own decisions.
Yet where is Labour? At a critical juncture for English devolution – surely the biggest opportunity for renewal and radicalism -–the party talks to itself about the captain of a sinking ship.
Labour’s ‘insider-outsider’ problem is that it is seen as both inept but inauthentic too. The threat of a Ukip focused less on Surrey libertarians and more on Wythenshawe estates is real.
As Scotland shows, Labour needs a distinct and authentic voice when it comes to devolution – treating roles like a regional admin officers for SW1 politics is disasterous. Even in London – lazily viewed as a ‘Labour city’ by the commentariat – it was only this year that Labour equalised 2:2 with the Conservatives on mayoralty wins.
With new mayoral elections in May, Labour risks making the same mistakes in the north. The Greater Manchester mayoralty, for instance, extends beyond Remain Manchester and into heartlands Oldham, Salford and Wigan, which voted Leave. A ‘devo-miss’ here could prove existential.
So where better to start than by taking English devolution seriously? As we saw last week, the Northern Powerhouse is a powerful idea with much business support, the initiative is too elitist and underpinned by the economic thinking that led to Brexit. Why isn’t Labour rushing to take control of the concept and widen it out to real communities?
And devolution deals are far from perfect – but why isn’t Labour in local government seizing these as the first step to a radical rebalancing of power to local government?
Looking beyond the north, what might a powerful network of city mayors including Sadiq Khan look like? Could they collectively form a new tier of English governance? What fiscal powers could they demand? And what common interests does the north have with the United Kingdom’s devolved governments?
Some thinkers – from Rachel Reeves to Owen Jones – are exploring these questions, but by and large, Labour is still focused on the personality question. Yet heavy-lifting on power, devolution and identity will be essential for any recovery – looking first down to communities, not up to SW1.
In the 20th century, the north rebelled by setting up a party for and by working people. In the 21st century, it is on the verge of rebelling against Labour, too. Now more than ever, Labour must take back control and treat devolution seriously.
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Ash Singleton is external affairs manager at IPPR North. He tweets at @ashsingleton
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