While Labour ought to hold Copeland and Stoke, there was very little appetite for Labour’s current direction in either seat, writes Progress deputy editor Conor Pope

‘Well, now I’ve got that off my chest.’ With that, she smiled and closed the door.

This was Friday afternoon in the small Cumbrian town of Cleator Moor, where Labour’s campaign centre for the Copeland byelection is based, and was part one of the Progress byelection weekend.

The bright, cold morning had given way to endless rain, although the fact it was ‘hossing it down’ (as one voter put it) failed to deter some of the determinedly chatty residents from unloading their thoughts on the state of the Labour party. We were in a strong Labour area – white working class, mainly – and they had plenty to share.

One elderly lady began by telling me that she was, ‘of course’, voting Labour, before going into a lengthy explanation of the party’s troubles, which centred largely on the unsuitability of Jeremy Corbyn as leader. It was she who confessed to me that she was glad to get it all off her chest.

That is when it struck me: while the mood was less than enthusiastic, the returns were, not, on the whole, terrible. Many wanted to let us know that the party’s direction was not ideal – whether on Sellafield, the position in last year’s European Union referendum, or (often) the leadership in general – but, having had the opportunity to vent, would vote Labour, as Copeland has done for 80 years now.

It is not easy to see how much the Conservative campaign has kicked into gear. There are no garden signs or posters up anywhere, and the one Tory I saw was leafleting alone, in the rain, wearing a cowboy hat. Byelections can do strange things to people.

If Corbyn is the problem in Copeland, he is not the solution in Stoke-on-Trent Central, where I was out campaigning with another Progress team on Saturday.

The seat had the lowest turnout in 2015, with less than half of constituents casting a ballot. Judging by reactions on the doorstep, on 23 February we could be in for a police and crime commissioner election-type turnout. For an area that saw 65 per cent of people vote in the European Union referendum, that is not just disappointing, but a real problem for Labour.

The Tories have written off Stoke, and the United Kingdom Independence party still seems unable to run an effective byelection campaign. That should be more than enough to save us. It will, however, be despite Corbyn’s grandplan.

For while the level of disinterest should not be enough to cost Labour the seat, it represents a huge personal failure on the part of the Labour leader. Not only did he make clear that his vision for victory in 2020 depend on mobilising non-voters during his initial leadership campaign two years ago, but his recent new year relaunch as a leftwing Trumpian populist cemented his commitment to reaching out to mobilising the disenfranchised. Stoke-on-Trent Central is not just an example where the effects of this electoral strategy should be clear; it has the potential to be the strategy’s greatest success. There was, from what I could see, absolutely no evidence it has had any effect whatsoever. Corbyn’s new strategy is bold: populism without the popularity.

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Conor Pope is deputy editor at Progress. He tweets at @conorpope

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