‘Do you want Tony Banks to be the elected Mayor of London in the third year of a Labour government?’ I posed the right question, albeit with the wrong candidate, at a meeting of Labour’s Joint Policy Committee in 1996 responding to Tony Blair’s proposal to have a directly elected Mayor for London. Frank Dobson, Labour’s shadow environment secretary, seemed somewhat taken aback but Tony Blair shrugged off the question saying ‘that’s not very comradely is it?’ and moved on. In this casual fashion, a significant change in local government was launched into Labour’s policymaking process.

The motives were laudable. Proponents of elected mayors considered that they would increase interest in local government and turn out in local elections, making the key decision maker more visible and, by virtue of having a personal mandate from the electorate, more accountable.

Continental experience was cited in support, Barcelona and the Netherlands were held up as examples. In fact, Barcelona’s mayor is indirectly elected, being the leader of the largest political group on the council, and as a delegation sent by the Labour party to Holland to study the system there discovered, Dutch mayors are crown appointees.

Moreover, neither the referendums nor most of the mayoral elections that have subsequently taken place have demonstrated significantly greater interest than ordinary council elections. Even this year’s London mayoral election, for all the massive media attention, generated a turnout of only 45 per cent, just a few percentage points higher than the turnout in other large cities. Even Hazel Blears, an enthusiastic supporter of elected mayors, has argued that London’s election was essentially about the politics of personality.

That was always the intention. A senior cabinet minister told me at the time of Ken Livingstone’s first election: ‘we didn’t think it would be like this. We thought you would have somebody running a hospital or similar organisation coming forward to stand.’

The subtext was clear – what was needed was not something political in the conventional sense; almost the less political the better. A charismatic party leader, the most charismatic in a couple of generations, perhaps understandably placed a premium on the politics on personality. I recall that in one conference speech Tony Blair, addressing the audience outside the hall, said, ‘you elected me as prime minister’. The truth, of course, is that we elected a Labour government and with it Tony Blair as prime minister.

Nor have the arguments about visibility and accountability been justified by events. It is perfectly possible to be a visible council leader without being directly elected. Even at 5′ 6″ and 13 years after I ceased to be leader of Newcastle City Council, for example, I am still recognised on the city’s streets – and, usually, greeted cordially.

And accountability does not seem to have been the hallmark of the mayoral regime in terms of effective day-to-day scrutiny, at least in London.

For Labour, too, there has been very little in the way of a political dividend. Stoke, with the first mayor as an independent , and Doncaster have been riven by disputes between mayors and Labour groups, Labour towns like Middlesbrough, Hartlepool and Mansfield have independent mayors, towns with Labour marginal constituencies like Watford and Bedford have non -Labour mayors, North Tyneside admittedly has a Labour mayor, at the third time of asking, but only by virtue of the fact that the last mayoral election coincided with the general election. Only in London where three extremely able former council leaders were elected in Newham, Lewisham and Hackney can the politics seem to have justified the experiment.

This is not to say the mayoral option may not be appropriate, albeit with some greater accountability safeguards. Places such as Hackney had councils that were so dysfunctional that the mayoral option offered a palpably better alternative. If the local electorate wishes to initiate a referendum on elected mayors it can easily do so – the threshold for petitions is very low and there is no threshold for turnout.

However, there is no case for imposing elected mayors, unless one adopts the view of Nick Boles, leading Tory thinker and adviser to Boris Johnson, who advocates their imposition as the quickest route for the Tories to regain power in the bigger cities like Liverpool, Manchester and Newcastle. This is not an argument calculated to enthuse members of the Labour party.

As the party approaches the National Policy Forum and the lead-up to the next manifesto, ministers should resist a policy which is neither particularly popular with, nor of much interest to, an electorate preoccupied with more substantive matters, and one which commands little support amongst the now diminished ranks of Labour councillors.