Europe faces a period of ‘strisis’ – a mixture of crisis and stasis. There are three aspects: no growth, no constitutional treaty, no leadership. The Old Europe of populism, protectionism and nationalism is back with a bang, both here and on the continent. Nasty symptoms can be seen – the growth of extreme politics; the twin problems of mass unemployment and growing inequality; and the endless scape-goating of international bodies like the EU.
Five years ago, progressive politicians appeared to be in control. Blair, Jospin (France), Schröder (Germany), D’Alema (Italy), Kok (Netherlands), Rasmussen (Denmark), Guitierres (Portugal) and other social democratic leaders, working with the progressive Romano Prodi in Brussels, drew up the Lisbon programme of economic renewal. But implementing it required serious reform of the way European economies and labour market policies are run. And here Europe has run into the sands as national economic policy is fiercely defended as the last bastion of sovereignty.
This economic stasis has undermined confidence that Europe holds a future for working people on middle and low salaries. They are instead attracted by the easy solution that saying No, Non or Nee to Europe would help create work and social justice.
Of those who voted No in France, 62 per cent said they thought there were too many foreigners in France. Attacking foreigners is a time-honoured political tradition in Europe and both the right and the left have played that card in the past. Of course, the French and Dutch No is a wake-up call to the European elite: the disconnection between citizens and the European project is serious. But what did French voters want? A halt to workers from the other EU member states coming to work in France? A rejection of enlargement? More protection for Air France employees by limiting the rights of Easyjet and Ryanair to land anywhere in France if jobs in Air France are threatened? If you listen to many French people, including those on the left, the biggest problem is enlargement. But what is the response – expel Poland? Tell Prague it is not part of the European Union?
The EU of the 20th century and its ancient regime was dealt a decisive blow on 29 May in France. The Netherlands and France gave birth to the European Community but now want something very different. No one has an effective blueprint to what that something else is; one county’s free trade is another country’s loss of jobs. Protect the jobs at any price – as some unions call for – and the single market dies. But as trade and open markets come under threat, what system will create jobs and wealth and provide the fiscal receipts to do the good things European integration has brought about?
In this short half-century of existence, the EU has helped spread democracy, the rule of law, social rights and prosperity as never before in Europe’s 2,500 years of genocidal, war-filled history of hate and rivalry – often murderously violent – between nations, religions and ideologies. Those who want to dig the EU’s grave should beware what might rise up from old coffins.
In all of this, what does Labour do? It is time to be honest. Labour’s ditching of the anti-Europeanism of the 1970s and early 1980s was the key that opened the way to reaching out to economic and social actors who want Britain to stay connected to Europe. But as a party we did not have the resources or energy or enough like-minded partners in Europe to forge a convincing and coherent pan-EU network of progressive politics. That task should now be undertaken. If it is not, Labour may find it easy to fall back into seeing the EU as a problem. At some stage, the Tories will get smart on Europe. Nineteen out of the 25 current EU governments are under centre-right control. One day – perhaps sooner than we think – the Conservatives will understand the salience of a modern pro-Europeanism. If Labour has not shaped a new approach of positive engagement with Europe, the Conservatives will overtake us to occupy the broad centre ground, which likes to mock Brussels but will not vote for full, Eurosceptic politics.
The defeat of the constitutional treaty has solved nothing. Labour needs to engage with Europe in a new 21-century politics for all progressives.