After becoming leader of the Conservative party, David Cameron quickly identified the importance of appealing to women voters. At the 2005 general election, the Conservative vote fell among women voters of all ages. If only women had voted in 2005, the government’s majority would have been over 90. If only men had voted, it would have been reduced to 21.
The local elections were an early test of whether Cameron can feminise his party. Women’s representation in local government in England is higher than in parliament. In 2004, 29 per cent of local authority councillors in England were women (Conservatives 27 per cent, Labour 29 per cent, Liberal Democrats 34 per cent). In Wales and Scotland, only 22 per cent of councillors were women. All parties have failed to give much attention to the representation of women at a local level, with Labour only recently having brought in rules in some areas to ensure that at least one candidate in multi–member wards is female.
Clearly it’s easier to manage family life with local politics than a career in Westminster, but the higher age profile of councillors may also mean that more women become active when their families have left home – at an age when it’s difficult to get selected for parliament. There’s also less competition for nominations, and in many areas parties are looking for candidates for seats rather than the other way round.
But with half of the new Conservative women MPs being former councillors, and many of the Labour women MPs having had experience in local government, getting more women into local councils should help all parties increase the number of experienced women candidates ready to stand for parliament.
At a national level, however, the Conservatives still have a lot of catching up to do. Recent research for the Equal Opportunities Commission shows them lagging considerably behind Labour in the credibility of their policies in three areas of importance to women: balancing work and family life; support for parents and carers; and improving women’s pensions. This, coupled with Electoral Commission evidence showing turnout among both men and women going up where a woman is standing for election, means that all parties now recognise the importance of women candidates.
However, it’s not just having a women candidate that is important – getting them elected matters too. The Conservatives have made some moves, but in a grudging, piece–meal way. Although they supported the introduction of the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002, which made it legal for political parties to increase their number of women candidates, they have refused to adopt all–women shortlists, and continue to choose women to stand mainly in marginal rather than winnable seats.
Consequently, despite winning 33 more seats in the last general election, Conservative female representation went up very little. In contrast, Labour, while losing 47 seats, saw 26 new women elected – 65 per cent of the new intake. This is the first time a party in parliament has had more new women MPs than new men MPs. In the last general election, 27 per cent of Labour candidates were women, leading to 28 per cent of the PLP being women. Of course, 28 per cent is still not good enough, and it’s vital that Labour continue to ensure a greater number of women than men are elected at each general election. The Fawcett Society has calculated that, even using all–women shortlists, it will take Labour 30 years to achieve parity.
We can rejoice that women’s issues and women’s representation have become a political fighting ground for all parties. But, as women in the Labour party know, delivering on this agenda is not easy. We will not give up on our battle for fairer representation, and the new Conservative leader will have to do a lot more than just talk a good game to demonstrate that neither will he.