Should the whereabouts of convicted sex offenders be public knowledge? The debate in the UK about ‘Sarah’s law’ is hopelessly polarised: the tabloids versus the criminal justice establishment. I suspect most people reading this instinctively regard the issue as a no-brainer. Surely no responsible legislator would support such a measure?

The dangers seem obvious. Paedophiles could be driven underground; community notification requirements might deter children from disclosing intra-familial abuse; child abusers could use public information sources to network. There’s the risk of vigilante attacks against sex offenders or those mistaken for them, like the paediatrician mistaken for a paedophile. When John Reid questions whether information should always be the exclusive preserve of officialdom, it seems transparent to the thinking classes that he is just pandering to the mob.

In fact, the issues are much more complex; and just because the News of the World is in favour of something doesn’t make it wrong. There are numerous different versions of Megan’s law (Sarah’s US counterpart) at state and local level across the US; different in terms of notification, in terms of access, and in terms of penalties for misuse of information. Some states mandate active community notification of the presence of sex offenders. Others operate passive notification; the information can accessed if you want it, but the police don’t knock on your door to tell you.

Sarah’s law is different again: it would provide for controlled access to information. Parents and carers would have to formally request information; the police would have to be satisfied that those asking have a genuine need for it. There may be particular categories of people, for instance vulnerable single mothers, whose requests might be treated more sympathetically. There would be severe penalties for anyone who misused the information. Sarah’s Law is therefore a very different creature to its US cousins.

Rather than a knee-jerk Guardianista rejection of any public access to information, we should do the New Labour thing: pilot some ideas and choose what works. Research evidence on Megan’s law to date is limited and inconclusive. One 2001 study concluded that there is little evidence to substantiate claims that community notification enhances child safety. But it also found little evidence that notification drives offenders underground. Interestingly, it found broad agreement amongst professionals that notification had enhanced the tracking and monitoring of sex offenders.

With the disclosure by the Probation Inspectorate that 40 per cent of violent and dangerous criminals are not properly monitored after release, we ought to look at anything which might improve that situation. Certainly, there appears to be little evidence of vigilante activity against paedophiles in the US despite Megan’s law. The riots in the UK can hardly be blamed on Sarah’s law; no such law is in force and the burning of a paediatrician’s home sounds to me like a good argument for ensuring that whatever information is released to the public is accurate, and that the public understand the penalties attached to its misuse.

But it’s impossible to generalise about the pros and cons of public access to information, because Megan’s law is not one law but many different ones, each providing slightly different gradations of notification, access and control. What’s missing from this debate is an appreciation of the subtleties of the different versions, and what might be beneficial or unhelpful in each of them.

People also forget that in the UK some details of sex offenders are already provided to the public: convictions are publicised at the time of sentencing, and the Domestic Violence, Crimes and Victims Act 2004 makes provision for release of information to victims of sexual or violent crimes upon the release or transfer of offenders. The question is not whether to release information publicly– we already do – the question is in what form, to whom, and with what penalties attached to misuse. As John Reid has recognised, we need some pilot schemes and, in due course, an evidence-based debate; not a hysterical knee jerk rejection of greater openness.

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