This year’s Labour Party Conference in Bournemouth takes place a tad short of the ‘first 100 days’ of Gordon Brown’s premiership. Harold Wilson made the phrase famous in Britain, though on this occasion two-thirds of the 100 days has been in the parliamentary recess.

Recess began at the end of July with the Conservatives in disarray and Labour’s opponents confounded. Confounded, because Gordon Brown set out on a programme of winning over doubting voters and including people with a blend of talents and political complexions in his government.

Moreover, despite some immediate and substantial challenges such as a failed terrorist attack, massive flooding, outbreaks of foot and mouth disease, and difficulties in our relationship with Russia, no one could doubt the successful navigation of those early weeks.

A masterful tactician, Gordon Brown responded to the aspirations of the nation on issues such as housing, which simultaneously tuned seamlessly with a longstanding concern of Labour party members and supporters. Not surprising as a son of the manse, Gordon Brown has also taken another look at issues which have resonance, not least with influential parts of the British media. Namely, large scale casinos and the licensing (24 hour drinking) changes. As a Methodist, I share the concern, and got myself into some difficulty with good friends in my latter time as a member of Tony Blair’s Cabinet, for saying so.

This ability to ‘reach out’ and at the same time strike a chord with supporters inside and outside the Labour party is an important feature of this early period, and carried forward, will make an enormous difference to our success in winning a fourth term in government.

So, here is the challenge (one which I am painfully aware Gordon Brown is all too familiar with): it is to reassure the very powerful liberal chatterati that the government is both open and civil libertarian, and, at the same time, meet the needs of those in the most disadvantaged and difficult areas, whose voices are rarely heard and whose votes (if they cast one) tend to be a protest.

That is why maintaining the critical agenda of tackling antisocial behaviour and criminality is so vital. There has been a very welcome emphasis on being ‘tough on the causes of crime’, as evidenced by the recent Ten Year Youth Strategy announced by the Children’s Minister, Beverley Hughes. So has further work from Jack Straw with colleagues at the DCSF on youth justice and, above all, credible alternatives to custody for young people. Early intervention – and I mean very early intervention – and work with dysfunctional families can make, and must make, a big difference.

The key difficulty is that we will always have to face a basic truth. Namely that those who most object to tough action against basic criminality which leads to the destruction of both families and communities across our nation, don’t have to experience it.

I should know, as a former Home Secretary, that the world we inhabit is paved with the broken stones of good intentions. Lessons from history are therefore worth learning. The much applauded, late Roy Jenkins was Home Secretary when police on the beat were systematically and deliberately replaced by the squad car. Crime went on to double in the decade between 1964 and 1974. It was a massive mistake, as was the reversion away from tough action and tough signals where needed, and 40 years later, with the driving force of the Metropolitan Police, the government finally put police back on the streets.

In our haste, therefore, to ensure we are addressing the concerns of the liberal left, it is vital that the programme of ‘reaching out’ embraces constituents like mine. ‘Brown’s Britain’, as the prime minister spelled out clearly in his acceptance speech as leader in Manchester, must clearly be on the side of those without a voice and, yes, without a column or a broadcast slot too.