Kosovo is at a crossroads. As the latest round of negotiations on Kosovo’s future status nears completion, uncertainty about the future is continuing to cause tension within the province. At the same time, confusion about the respective roles of Kosovo’s own institutions and those of the international community is undermining accountability, access to justice and creating the space for corruption.

The next step for the international process is for the troika, comprising the US, the EU and Russia, to report back to the Security Council on 10 December. In the meantime, the EU is preparing for a future mission to take over from the beleaguered UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) once Kosovo’s status is decided.

The decision – whatever it is – will not please everyone in Kosovo. If Kosovo becomes independent, with or without UN approval, most of the 200,000-strong Serb minority living in Kosovo will be extremely reluctant to continue living under a Kosovo Albanian-dominated administration. Without independence, the growing frustration of much of the rest of the population will only increase tensions. But across the ethnic divide, there is broad agreement that the current situation is untenable.

Saferworld and its partner, the Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ) worked with nine local civil society organisations from across Kosovo to find out what is driving insecurity and conflict, and what opportunities there are to improve the situation. Reaching across different ethnic, social, age and gender groups, the report based on these consultations suggests that while a decision on Kosovo’s status is necessary soon, there is also much else to be done to make people’s everyday lives more secure.

Poor access to justice is one of the key concerns of Kosovo’s population. The prosecutors and courts lack the necessary capacity to provide justice. For the Kosovo Serb and Roma communities in particular, the justice sector is complicated by the presence of a parallel, Belgrade-run courts system which does not recognise the legitimacy of the Kosovo-based courts system. With unresolved status for the province, these parallel structures exist in limbo to serve Kosovo Serbs unable to use Kosovo-based justice institutions at this tense time.

Across the board, there is confusion about who is responsible for what and which law is applicable when, exacerbated by opaque decision-making processes and unclear lines of accountability. This is fertile ground for corruption.

This confusion and disenfranchisement is mirrored at the international level. Kosovo’s population feels that highly significant decisions concerning their future lives are made behind closed doors in Washington, Brussels and Moscow.

But even the institutions responsible for governing Kosovo – UNMIK and the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government of Kosovo – are failing to engage the public in their decision-making processes.

Perhaps it is here that most can be done to decrease tensions. International and local institutions alike should communicate to Kosovo’s population what they are responsible for and how local people can hold them to account. Whatever the outcome of the status talks, people in Kosovo want to understand what the process is, what is being discussed, and how it will affect their everyday lives. Properly communicating these issues is essential if the people of Kosovo are to feel truly connected to their politicians.