Labour’s promised review of electoral systems published in January only partly fulfills the pledge made in our 2001 manifesto. Although a ‘desk operation’, the review moves us forward in terms of assessing the new proportional representation systems that Labour has introduced since 1997. First in Scotland and Wales, the Additional Member System; then for the European elections, a closed regional list; and then another AMS for the London assembly and a truncated form of Alternative Vote, called the Supplementary Vote, for mayoral elections.
The review did not assess the use of the Single Transferable Vote system in Northern Ireland and now introduced for local elections in Scotland. Conspicuous by its absence is a proper examination of the current system we use for electing our MPs. For many Labour supporters, or former tactical voters, First Past The Post is the one system that really needs to be put under the spotlight. None of the three main Westminster parties are fighting all seats equally and voters are picking up the message that neither they, nor their vote, count.
The idea of the review was to draw on British experience in order to assess whether electoral reform might be appropriate for the Commons. It was a way of assessing what, if anything, we did with the recommendation of Alternative Vote Plus from the Jenkins Commission. What we now need is a process which will take us through to the next manifesto, a general election and a possible hung parliament. We need to do our thinking sooner rather than later. That means looking critically at the working of the current system. Some want to look at a compromise on the system. Others suggest wider public involvement in the process by setting up a UK constitutional convention or a citizens’ assembly.
In terms of systems, there has been some move in the direction of AV from both ends of the spectrum. Some pluralists would accept AV for the lower house as long as the majority of the upper house was elected by a form of PR. While not dealing with specific problems of Labour retreat, this could be a stepping stone for a more pluralist system recommended by inclusive consultation or in the event of a hung parliament. We need, however, to bear in mind AV’s anti-incumbency effect. In the 1980s and 1990s AV would have combined the anti-Conservative vote, whereas after a fourth term, it could assist a Labour defeat.
In the National Policy Forum discussions before the 2005 manifesto, there were several arguments which perhaps should be brought back into the frame. First, that we could have a continuous process of monitoring all elections and assessing how they are working. Second, that the referendum promised in 1997 could be reserved for the decision on introducing an element of PR to the Commons, rather than simply for a change of X voting to preference voting, 1, 2, 3 …. And, third, that we could extend from Scotland to England and Wales the practice of electing local councillors by STV, particularly for unitary authorities.
Voting matters symbolically because our democracy needs to be legitimate and it matters pragmatically because of its influence on parties’ campaigns and policies. Climate change was assumed not to interest swing voters and so took a long while to filter into a national debate. Voting systems change not only the result but the nature of politics itself. Often without majorities, Labour in Wales and Scotland have built consensus by working with other parties, key stakeholders and communicating with the media to ensure that voters understand policy and own it democratically.
Voting is a means not an end. And as Robin Cook used to remind us, democracy is also a value. Some systems reinforce and others transcend tribalism. Some make votes count and others allow floating voters to blot out informed discussion on urgent matters. So what we do about voting says more about us than perhaps Labour has hitherto recognised.