If a week is a long time in politics, then two weeks of our elected representatives dominating the newsstands with their duck houses, moats and mortgages, seems like an eternity. The toll on the Labour party, let alone politics in general, is plain to see. Two MPs have been suspended from the PLP, more could face NEC questioning and there is a seething anger growing at grassroots level, evidenced by over 200 activists signing a statement calling for much stronger action to be taken on MPs who have brought the party into disrepute. The situation hasn’t been helped by many of our parliamentarians dragging their feet in self-denial when faced by justified public anger.

The aphorism, justice should not only be done, but should be seen to be done, is apposite here. If, as many of our MPs seem to agree, the system of expenses is flawed, so their judgement in working within that system should be open to question. It is simply not good enough to argue that acting within the rules, which were devised and regulated by MPs themselves of course, should protect the office-holder from censure. To get parliament back on its feet, the country will demand strong and honest leadership, with action taken swiftly and decisively. Recent reforms to the expenses system are welcome, but it is hard to see how the public, or party activists, will be willing to wait until the autumn for Sir Christopher Kelly’s final reckoning.

Increasingly, activists are asking what Labour is for. It is getting harder and harder to coax members out on the doorstep when they know they are likely to be used as a public punchbag. But progressives are a naturally optimistic breed, and in spite of the portending gloom, we should use the current crisis to forge a new era of democratic renewal. A start has been made by over 100 Labour parliamentary candidates who have signed up to five pledges on the Progress website. They promise to ‘subscribe to high standards of integrity, transparency, accountability and financial economy’ and not to seek office for ‘personal gain’. But we can go much further than this. In our cover story Progress chair Stephen Twigg shows how.

It is unlikely that there will be another opportunity when the public mood provides such legitimacy for reform of our democratic structures and the relationship between citizen and state. This means we need to act quickly to channel public will for change into a fully elected House of Lords, a referendum on changing the voting system, proper devolution of power and financial responsibility to local government, coupled with the requisite slimming down of the number of members of parliament, a challenge to the over-dominance of the executive by giving more power to select committees and debating the idea of using primaries for parliamentary candidates as a way of re-engaging the public in the democratic process. When you are stuck in a ditch you should look to the stars for inspiration, and so Labour must fix itself on future ideas as a way of keeping the party united and willing to put up a fight at the next election.

And as our three feature articles in this issue show, the next election is by no means in the bag for the Conservatives. First, the electoral system makes it difficult for the Tories to win a clear majority in parliament. Even the oodles of Ashcroft money being spent on key seats do not seem to give them a massive advantage, so activists should not entirely despair in the face of continued poor polling results because doorstep activity will count for something at the next election.

Second, as Charles Clarke points out on p16, Cameron has not yet ‘sealed the deal’ with the electorate because he is weak on policy and there are fissures in his party hiding under the veneer of successful rebranding. On Europe, spending on public services and tensions between security and civil liberties, the Tories face stark questions which they are not willing to face up to, and which Labour must expose and then drive a wedge in. This will also require Labour to be clearer about how we will close the fiscal gap, where we will find efficiencies in public services and which areas of public spending we will protect and why. Voters will see though dividing lines based on Tory cuts vs Labour spending; we need something more sophisticated than this.

Finally, the Tories haven’t changed as much as they would like to think, which is why Cameron had to act so hastily to estrange those MPs who claimed for moat cleaning and duck houses – they reminded the public that his party includes people who continue to live outside the real world. On p20 Andrew Pakes takes a look at the crop of new Tory candidates and, if anything, they seem more Eurosceptic, more anti-abortion and more pro-marriage than the old Tory wets. They aren’t necessarily toffs, but they aren’t very compassionate either. Labour needs to work harder at showing these contradictions between Cameron’s preferred brand, and the reality.

The last few weeks have cast a dark cloud over our democracy, but if Labour grasps the opportunity to reform our institutions and way of doing politics, there might yet be a silver lining to hope for.