The principle of land value taxation is an old one, dating back to the beginnings of social radicalism and the Labour movement. The idea that the tax system should target ownership and rent seeking over productive activity, such as work or worthwhile capital investment, is as valuable now as it was then. And choosing land in particular avoids the costly practicalities in identifying and verifying value, and in avoiding compliance through offshoring assets, inherent in a general wealth tax: land is easily valued, as there is a constantly-turning market for every kind of land and land use; it is also one of very few assets which cannot physically be transferred abroad.

Andy Burnham was right to advocate this change to the taxation system during the summer. In doing so he hypothecated the revenue for the abolition of stamp duty. But redistributing directly, through a system of freely tradeable shares, would instantly widen asset ownership to everybody and permanently shift the balance of power in Britain.

The idea is a simple extension of Andy Burnham’s tax. Once a land value tax has been levied, a system of National Land Shares is introduced. Everyone would receive one thousand shares on their eighteenth birthday: this would be non-means-tested, and a simple and equal benefit of citizenship. These Shares, to be clear, would not be tied to a specific piece of land, and would not entail ownership: rather, they are a hypothetical share of the entire national stock of land and its total value.

The proceeds of the Land Value Tax would bypass the exchequer completely, and be paid directly to the holders of Shares as a dividend. The dividend on each share would be the same, and the shares would be tradeable only via a National Land Share Exchange. A small commission on sales would be ample to pay for the administration of both the tax and share schemes.

This means that everyone in the UK begins their life with a valuable asset. They can hold on to their shares, and accrue the annual dividend; they can buy more, and watch their income grow; or they can cash them in, selling them at the going rate via the Exchange to those willing to buy.

The consequent expansion of asset ownership to all would have revolutionary implications for life chances, opportunities, and the country’s economic life. Value from land, currently only used as a means of extracting rent, would be freed for more productive uses: since the general population spend more of their income and use savings methods (such as bank accounts and ISAs) which feed more directly into financial capital for investment, there could be great benefits for economic growth. There could also be a flowering of popular entrepreneurship, as millions of people are given the means for the first time to realise business ideas with crucial start-up capital.

Direct redistribution of a land value tax also allays fears that such taxes hit middle-income wealth and aspiration by taxing the modest goal of home ownership to which millions of us aspire. The ownership of land nationwide is gapingly unequal, so the vast majority of the tax would be paid by a small number of extremely wealthy landlords and aristocrats: the absolutely equal distribution of Shares, on the other hand, ensures that the Land Value Tax liability is offset by the share dividend for all but the very, very wealthiest. And everyone has the option, of course, to further compensate themselves for their land tax liability by purchasing more shares from the Exchange, obliging them to pay for this privilege by purchasing shares from their fellow citizens at the market rate.

A Land Value Tax tied to a citizenship-based National Land Share scheme would be simple to implement and to administer, and provides a tangible financial benefit for the vast majority of the population The market for shares does all of the heavy lifting for policymakers, with the initial ownership of shares providing the mechanism for serious and permanent redistribution of wealth for more equitable and productive purposes.

Doubtless there are further implications, in economic, policy, administrative and political terms, of such a scheme that I have not considered, and I welcome further contributions. But our willingness to innovate, think radically and debate policy ideas such as this seriously is part of what the Labour party’s current ‘blank page’ policymaking process should be about. I hope that all comrades have the courage to consider all new policy ideas offered in this spirit on their merits.

 

Photo: Samantha Decker